Quebec Sovereignty Movement

The province of Quebec has been part of Canada since the very beginning. Quebec, originally a colony of France, is the only province in Canada with a predominantly french speaking population. Quebec is an important factor in Canada's diversity, as the culture in Quebec is vastly different than the rest of Canada. A fact that Canadians are proud of. However, many in Quebec see themselves as too different, in a sense, from the rest of canada, and believe that Quebec should become its own sovereign nation. The political party Bloc Quebecois has been trying to gain independence for Quebec since 1991 (Goldsworthy 10), although unsuccessfully. Canada needs quebec in order to keep the same amount of influence it has in the world,

In further analysis, angry people are more likely to listen to militants and commit violent acts, building a tense environment for Quebec citizens to live in. According to CBC Digital Archives, in response to the FLQ and other revolutionary groups forming, “when innocent people became injured from terrorist attacks, the cry for police involvement became shrill.” (FLQ Backgrounder Web) It is evident in this statement that many separatists who resorted to acts of terrorism consequently stimulated anger and fear in Quebec. If the Quiet Revolution had not occurred and the feelings of separatism and rise of terrorist groups did not follow, fewer people would have been hurt by the violence, both directly and indirectly. All things considered, the encouragement of separatism also weakened English-French relations as Quebec left 30 large shared programs, though the other provinces did not have the right to do so. All things considered, “from the Quebec Act of 1774 to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Canada has protected the place of its French minority. If Quebec were to separate, that protection would be gone and the Francophone society would be assimilated by the wider world within a generation or two.” (Kheiriddin) In relation to this comment, many English Canadians viewed Quebec’s special status during the revolution as

The movement of Quebec sovereignty, if it were to be implemented, would have substantial consequences, not only on Quebec but also on Canada as a whole. For this reason, the movement should be challenged. It is ironic how much of Quebec advocates for independence, yet the effects would be economically detrimental. If Quebec succeeded in being granted independence, it “would need to negotiate with the rest of Canada about assuming its share of federal debt” (Ragan, Christopher). This additional debt, which would equate approximately to 154 billion dollars, would be equal to 92 percent of the province’s gross domestic product (Ragan, Christopher). Undoubtedly, this would shake Quebec’s fiscal stability. There is also the possibility of Quebec

Quebec was founded by French settlers during the 16th century. It was then conquered by the British (known as the conquest of New France in 1760). “The Philosophy of the Enlightment” allowed Britain’s victory to treat the French people with dignity as both nations were civilized societies (source?). The British allowed the French occupants to maintain cultural aspects such as language and traditions (source?). In effect, The Quebec Act was published in 1974, in efforts to ensure loyalty from the French as the British government worried that the remaining French people would support the American Independent War (source?). The act was favourable for French people; allowing the continual practice of

The Quebec Referendum first occurred during the Quebec Sovereignty. The Quebec Sovereignty is the movement of Quebec declaring independence from Canada. Throughout Canadian history, the province of Quebec has always wanted to become independent from Canada. Most citizens of Quebec feel suppressed from Canada as French is not commonly spoken outside by Canadians outside of Quebec. “From the fall of 1967, when, as federal minister of justice, he had clearly articulated his position on these questions, to the 1980 referendum, his thinking and priorities had not changed: they embodied patriation of the constitution, equality between francophones and anglophones, a charter of rights, and an amending formula granting a right of veto to Quebec.” Pierre Trudeau had intentions in patriating the constitution with the French and English Canadian’s rights and freedoms. During the Quebec referendum in the year of 1995, the Parti Quebecois asked voters to vote on whether Quebec should become sovereign or not. As a result, the majority of voters voted against the Quebec Sovereignty Referendum. Pierre Trudeau strived to defeat the sovereignty movement and thus, established the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Trudeau was very passionate and ambitious in transforming Canada into an equal and humble society.

Though the beginning of the separatist movement was marred by fighting and violence, the vast majority of the conflict has been a political one. The reason for the revolution in Quebec stems from the restrictions placed upon the populace by the English. These restrictions were on both the language and culture of the Quebecois, and caused them to feel trapped in under the English rule, for lack of a better term. This revolution is on a much less certain foot than the others however, with many of the younger citizens not remember the restrictions of days

Therefore, if the 1995 Quebec referendum has turned out to be a yes vote, the newly established state would have managed to assert its own position, through establishing own laws and a political framework that is suitable for its distinct political, social and cultural identity, without being stopped or interfered by the Canadian federal government of the federal courts . In this respect, the only way through which Quebec could be able to establish a legal and political framework that suits its unique identity as a Canadian province, is through gaining independence from Canada, which is what the 1995 Quebec referendum vote would have achieved, if it was a yes

In the political history of Canada there was no greater event to test the strength and harmony of Confederation than the first referendum for Quebec sovereignty in 1980. Interestingly, the 1960’s and the Quiet Revolution brought a renaissance for French Canadian culture and sense of identity to the people within Quebec. For nearly two decades the French Canadians within Quebec reverted to their historical roots and with the help of essential politicians, Quebec was on the forefront of independence. Therefore, what were the catalysts for the first referendum in 1980 and were there any political, economic, or cultural factors, or a combination thereof that formed the catalysts? The Quebec Referendum of 1980 was due to a combination of catalysts

In 1980 The PQ government called a referendum asking weather Quebec should have a new agreement with the rest of Canada. The No side won by a slim margin. In response to the referendum Pierre Trudeau promised to reform the Constitution. "Do you want "a new agreement with the rest of Canada, based on the equality of nations"? That was the heart of the question placed before the people of Quebec in the May 20, 1980 referendum. René Lévesque's Parti Québécois was asking Quebecers for a mandate to negotiate "sovereignty-association", an idea that inflamed federalists and separatists alike.

The rest of Canada was tired of constitutional matters. However, the alienation of Québec contributed to the poisoned atmosphere following the debate over distinct society, which brought the separatist group Parti Quebecois back into power. The PQ returned in the 1994 Quebec election under Jacques Parizeau, he believed that this might be the last opportunity for sovereignty for the foreseeable future. The Parti Quebecois advocated for national sovereignty, a world where Quebec is an independent country. They were heavily supported in the beginning, but the “Yes” votes dropped.

The Front de Liberation du Quebec was an extremist paramilitary organization, purposed with French-Canadian separatism, which officially operated from 1963 to 1970. Their primary goal was Quebec’s sovereignty from Canada. They were most prolific and media focused during the October Crisis, during which they executed Pierre Laporte and abducted James Richard Cross. These actions were accompanied by a media release by the FLQ, a manifesto. This proclamation highlighted the plights of Quebecers as being impoverished, unrepresented by their politicians, ignored by Canadian government, and exploited by Anglophone Canadians. The manifesto demanded that Quebec immediately sever political ties from Canada, and be recognized as a sovereign country. Violent as their actions were, the FLQ was successful in nationally representing the unjustness of the unrepresented Quebec citizen. Seven years after the conclusion of the October Crisis, Bill 101 Charter of the French Language, was signed. Bill 101 did not accomplish the exact goals of the FLQ’s attempted coup - the sovereign country of Quebec – but it accomplished a cultural resurgence in Quebec, namely more representation of Francophone-Canadian culture. Though the Front de Liberation du Quebec’s actions and demands, did not grant Quebec its political sovereignty, it spearheaded a movement that absolved the Francophone culture of Quebec from being assimilated into the Anglophone culture of Canada.

Thinking that this would satisfy almost everyone, Levesque anticipated a lot of support; however, he’s never been so wrong. On May 20, 1980, 90% of Quebec voters came out to cast their vote. 59.5% votes were against the sovereignty-association and the referendum became lost. To try and fix what was broken, the government came up with the Meech Lake Accord. In 1985, there were many political changes that occurred in Quebec and federally. Federally, Trudeau was replaced by Brian Mulroney. In Quebec, Moderate Liberal Robert Bourassa was replaced by Rene Levesque. Mulroney promised when he got elected, that he would bring Quebec into the Constitution (the supreme law in Canada). He held many meetings to talk about the constitutional problems. In April 1987, there were constitutional changes made that satisfied Quebec’s concerns and both the PM and 10 provincial premiers agreed to these changes. This happened at Meech Lake, near Ottawa. Some of these changes included that all provinces were able to nominate candidates, opt out of federal cost sharing, have the right to veto any constitutional change, and that Quebec would be seen as a “distinct society”, with their own legal, culture and language

Québec’s strong national identity inevitably creates a visceral perception of themselves that excludes other cultural groups (Cook 21). While the French and English are locked in conflict, First Nation advances for self-determination are overshadowed. Many choose to forget, but the land and territories that are disputed over by separatists are still, fundamentally, First Nations, and are not subject to claims of sovereignty. (“First Nations Weigh in on Québec Sovereignty Debate” 5).

During the twentieth century, Canada as a nation witnessed and endured several historical events that have had a deep and profound influence on Canadian politics. The most influential and constant force in twentieth century Canadian politics has been the increasing power and command of Quebec nationalism and the influence it has had on Canadian politics today. Quebec nationalism has shaped the structure and dynamics of Canadian federalism from a centralized to a decentralized form of federal government (Beland and Lecours 2010, 423). The decentralization of several sectors within the Canadian government has been a direct effect of Quebec nationalism. Decentralization has led to more autonomy among the provincial governments, especially in

In his book, The October Crisis: An Insider’s View, William Tetley specifically focuses on the FLQ as an actor for independence, while ignoring the variety of other goals within the FLQ manifesto. Tetley begins with an evaluation, stating that the ultimate goal of both the 1963 and 1970 FLQ was a separate Quebec. Tetley proposes that the FLQ was less interested in the minor grievances of the Quebec society, but instead focused on a larger goal. Tetley cites FLQ member Pierre Schinder, who believed that “in Canada, democracy never existed.” This statement supports Pelletier’s proposal that extremists ignore the political foundation of Canada. However, Tetley critiques Schinder for his admiration of Louis Joseph Papineau, a Quebec patriot, due to the fact that Papineau “opposed the use of force by his followers.” Therefore, Tetley believes the democracy that the FLQ targeted is in itself a greater Canadian democracy, which has managed to unify the rest of the nation. This differs from Cook’s understanding, because it relies on the existence of a larger, culturally diverse group who understands itself as Canadian, instead of an individual who believes in liberalism and the use of that liberalism within political institutions. According to Tetley, the entire Canadian society was targeted by the FLQ due to its existence within the democratic framework, a symbol of English domination in Quebec. However, as Granatstein cited, the “Rally for Canada” and speaking against the