Race, Place, And Opportunity By John Powell

In the article “An Atlas Mobility Shows Paths Out of Poverty” authors David Leonhardt, Amanda Cox, and Claire Cain Miller analyze the studies of poverty mobility. The article analyzes studies that researched the opportunities children have of escaping poverty based on the location their families currently lived in or moved to. The study found that “Based on the earnings records of millions of families that moved with children, it finds that poor children who grow up in some cities and towns have sharply better odds of escaping poverty than similar poor children elsewhere” (Leonhardt, Cox, & Miller, 2015). The main point of the study was that “Geography does not merely separate rich from poor but also plays a large role in determining which

To some, it can be argued that segregation was ended in 1954 so if housing is a problem, why don’t African American people just move. The issue is due to several programs that were created in the twentieth century that has held back minorities from homeownership. This lack of ability to be able to purchase and own a home on equal terms with white homeowner had a damaging effect of impacting

As stated before, communities within cities tend to be segregated by race and economics. Settlement patterns tend to show that people prefer settling with others that display similar outward traits, usually physical characteristics that can be recognized at first glance. Here, race again plays an important role in community poverty. Many communities create disadvantages for minorities based on the population and location. In the study, a white woman, her children, and her partner are evicted from the predominantly white trailer park. Upon eviction, the couple apply to multiple rental agencies and private apartment complexes with little luck because many property owners do not want the burden of children living in their complexes. As the couple become desperate, the woman considers finding a place in the black ghetto community because prices are much cheaper and there are fewer regulations. However, the partner clearly expresses that by lowering the family by living in the ghetto, they will forever be social outcast and seen as scum. The partner would rather be homeless than

Lipsitz uses practices of the housing market to illustrate how the diverse practices provide the privilege to white people in the current institutional arrangements. The capital resides in suburban houses has proven many white families’ economic mobility, although few white Americans recognize that segregation has historically been the guarantee of suburban real estate values. Housing policy and real estate practices, banking and finance, education, tax codes and subsidies, the behavior of the courts, and the norms of urban policing are all heavily inflected by a racialist logic or tend toward racialized consequences. Lipsitz delineates the weaknesses embedded in civil rights laws, the racial dimensions of economic restructuring and deindustrialization, and the effects of environmental racism, job discrimination and school segregation. Lipsitz describes the centrality of whiteness to American culture, and explains how the whites have used identity politics to forward their collective interests at the expense of racialized groups, including African Americans, Asian Americans, and Latinos.

Geography shapes who we are and our conceptualization of the world. Where we are situated in space determines who we are and how we interact with it. In his book, Race, Place and the Law, David Delaney takes on geopolitics, the actions or practices intended to shape what spatial relationship look like, the spatial conditions of social life. He discusses how every person has a geography of experience, that is, an individual way they negotiate a space. This means the same spaces can be negotiated differently. Overall, he talks about the different intersections between race, place and the law. More specifically, how black and white americans have been distributed in space and the function of legal practice in this process. He draws on court cases

Oftentimes conflicts are only considered to be only an international difference in opinions, however, conflict can be present as a national issue. In the United States of America, although considered a relatively peaceful country, experiences national conflicts regularly. Dennis Prager says “Since neither black animosity nor the Left’s falsehood of ‘racial tensions’ is based on the actual behavior of the vast majority of white Americans, nothing white America can do will affect the perceptions of many black Americans or of the leftist libel.” This quote defends the idea that in most cases, the racial tension is one sided and without clear evidence.

There is an extricable relationship between race, capitalism, and property and how it perpetuates the notion of whiteness through the exploitation of “others”. Property is a relationship of a person and an object; slaves were considered as objects. Race is constructed from white workers’ ideology of whiteness and labor wage. Racism has been long constructed through the production of race and its relations to property, and we can see it through the notion of capitalism and the idea of whiteness.

The article states “that income alone cannot explain, nor would it likely end, the segregation that has defined American cities and suburbs for generations” (Eligon and Gebeloff). Wealthy African American families are seen as still living in poverty stricken areas, even with their large income salaries (Eligon and Gebeloff). Essentially, there is a larger factor that is affecting where African Americans live. The many previous years of racism and ethnic discrimination are ultimately determining the location African Americans stay. When African Americans older generations could not buy an enjoyable house and pass down their riches, the newer generations have a difficult time putting themselves in a position to buy a house in a nice neighborhood (Eligon and Gebeloff). If an African American family is fortunate enough to live in a more upscale neighborhood, they are not always accepted by the members of the community (Eligon and Gebeloff). My aunt has recently moved into a suburban, mostly white neighborhood, and I have seen this taken place first hand. Within the first few months of their move in, my aunt and her family would receive questionable looks from neighbors as if they were not welcoming their newfound neighbor. While racism from neighbors is a large factor, there is another important element of racism that takes

Racism is a constitutive feature of capitalism. Along with other modes of domination, racism constructs and enshrines those social hierarchies that legitimize expropriation, naturalize exploitation, and produce the differential value capital instrumentalizes in the interest of profit (Rodney 1981; Robinson 2000; Melamed 2015; Pulido 2016). Historically in the U.S., race has been produced in and through space. Housing, lending, zoning and environmental policies, as well as foundational and ongoing confiscatory processes at the heart of racial capitalism have linked race, place, and power in pernicious, “death-dealing” ways (Gilmore 2002:16; Lipsitz 2007; Fraser 2016). From the frontier to the plantation, the border to the reservation, the constitutive geographies of U.S. nationhood have inextricably bound race and space. Scholars of racial capitalism embed uneven development within this active and ongoing co-production of race and space. They emphasize that social difference is foundational, not incidental, to the production of the uneven spatial forms that underwrite racial capitalism. Race has been produced with and through space via urban renewal, restrictive covenants, systemic abandonment and the ‘racialization of state policy’ (Gotham 2000:14) by which the benefits of housing, lending and other urban policies have been afforded to some and denied to others (see Coates 2014; Shabazz 2015 for Chicago). Thus, vacant land and buildings on Chicago’ s South Side are not

Race affects the geographical location where people live. Several authors have examined the relationship between race and residential location within cities, and have come to the conclusion that race clearly determines where one resides. The thesis developed in this paper is that people of colour or Blacks usually occupy those areas in the city that are considered high risk, either in terms of how close they are to environmental hazards or in terms of how they are located in low lying areas. The concepts that will be dealt with in this paper are those of environmental racism, racial residential segregation and environmental justice. Social construction is seen as relegating people of colour to certain neighbourhoods, and while it may be accepted as the way things are, a closer assessment of the situation through research studies show that there is nothing casual about the observations, but that there is a system of racism that underlies the decisions that are made, and that accounts for the residential location of Blacks in certain parts of the city. This paper examines this idea by looking at many cities throughout the United States, which point to the same trend, to the location of lack in places of environmental hazard, whether topographical or industrial.

According to Massey and Denton (1988), residential segregation “is the degree to which two or more groups live separately from one another, in different parts of the urban environment”(282). Now this is a pretty general definition, but it gives basic but good insight as to what residential desegregation is talking about. In this paper, I will mostly be focusing on residential segregation as it relates to the black and white populations in relation to one another, although I will be referencing some other races briefly to create a better understanding of concepts or ideas.

It was a way to constraint African Americans to areas that were far away from those with status, class, and power. Segregation led to discrimination in economic opportunities, housing, and education. The black culture has suffered from the barriers that were placed through segregation. However, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Fair Housing Act of 1968 tried to limit some of the discrimination associated with segregation. It was discovered that even a “rising economic status had little or no effect on the level of segregation that blacks experience” (Massey and Denton 87). The authors imply that “black segregation would remain a universal high” (Massey and Denton 88). The problem with the continuing causes in Segregation is that even though the Fair Housing act was placed, many realtors still discriminate against blacks “through a series of ruses, lies, and deceptions, makes it hard for them to learn about, inspect, rent, or purchase homes in white neighborhoods” (Massey and Denton 97). Segregation and discrimination have a cumulative effect over time. Massey and Denton argued that the “act of discrimination may be small and subtle, together they have a powerful cumulative effect in lowering the probability of black entry into white neighborhood” (98). William Julius Wilson had

can get along here as well as anyone who is poor and in a situation to be imposed upon,” highlights a depressing reality for many people of color within a modern American context. If a state cannot prevent repressive economic discrimination, how can those affected possibly align with that nation’s identity? In questioning why gentrification, poverty, and other large-scale economic issues continue to ravage the inherently disadvantaged, one find answers in the broader legal system working against their

Initially, while segregation in housing was legal, African-Americans were forced to live in certain neighborhoods, most of which were overcrowded and underfunded as the wealthier whites moved from city to suburb (“Housing”). In addition, the more prosperous African-Americans who had the ability to move into better neighborhoods were unable due to many suburbs not allowing minorities to live there or refusing to sell homes to minorities. Because a substantial segment of the middle-class white population moved to the suburbs, known as “white flight”, “cities became more polarized between the affluent and the poor” (“Fair”). The racist separation into lesser areas and increased poverty rates for African-Americans led to their continued economic oppression following civil rights legislation by forcing them to live in neighborhoods with worse conditions, such as poverty and overcrowding. Furthermore, as mortgage and foreclosure rates increased from financial discrimination, the quality of these neighborhoods began to decline rapidly. In 1990, houses within these lower rated neighborhoods were almost twice as likely to face overcrowding, and the estimated value of homes previously in the ‘A’ zone was $230,000, while in the ‘D’ zone, they were approximated to be worth just $89,000 (Appel and Nickerson). This stark contrast in value

“The supreme art of war is to subdue the enemy without fighting” Sun Tzu. Many of the famous Civil Rights leaders would agree with this quote, but while there also leaders that wanted violence. Many famous people of this time period had differing opinions on how to make the lives of African Americans safer. The primary sources from Wells, Washington, Turner, Du Bois, and Harper showed their separate opinions on how to better the lives of African Americans, and each person had positives and negatives, but the alternative offered by Ida B. Wells would have caused larger problems between the black and white communities.