Reading Response In Nigeria

War was inevitable: ‘This simple and seemingly innocuous action broke the last thread and split the last institution symbolizing Nigeria's nationhood and cohesion which had been regularly tampered with by the politicians since 1962. The rift between the Eastern Region and the rest of the country was total’ (ibid). In a meeting convened in Aburi, Ghana, by Ghanaian general Gen. Ankrah, leader of the eastern region military Lt. Col. Ojukwu understood the real issues at hand and convinced attendees that the only way for Nigeria to stay together is that it has to break apart, effectively implying secession. After a breakdown in communication, a frustrated federal government passes Decree no. 8 of 17th March 1967, which split Nigeria’s regions into twelve states. This was seen by Lt. Col. Yakubu Gowon as a pre-emptive, non-violence weapon against the east. The eastern region was split into 3 states. Lt. Col. Ojukwu unsurprisingly rejected Decree no. 8 and states that the Enugu, (capital of Nigeria’s eastern region) is headed for secession. On the 30th of May 1967, the eastern region of Nigeria declares itself as the independent sovereign state of Biafra. The Federal military fired the first bullet on the 6th of July 1967. Now this essay will turn to providing a background to the development of Realism as an analytical theory of International Relations.

The divide between the North and South of Nigeria and different ethnic groups who ultimately had the same goal in sight, to rise to power, resulted in a civil war in July 1967, 7 years after Nigeria gained independence from the United Kingdom. There were many reasons for the civil war and the main reasons being the response to the divide of the southern state Biafra from Nigeria. Also, the conflict came from religious, ethnic and political tensions. Furthermore, before the civil war, ‘Nigeria empowered a military regime that endured from 1966 to 1979 and from 1983 to 1999, in order to “protect” its citizens’ civil liberties and boundaries’ (Nnamani, 2004). One could make the claim that as a result of decolonization, they now felt unsafe. One could undoubtedly agree that the role of decolonization in Nigeria caused many more problems than it

Chinua Achebe was a Nigerian novelist, poet, professor and critic. He is mainly known for his trilogy that investigates, using fiction, the history of Nigeria. The trilogy begins with Things Fall Apart, followed by No Longer at Ease and ended with Arrow of God. Furthermore, in this critically analytical essay, through a feminist perspective, a chapter of his second novel, No Longer at Ease, published in 1960, will be discussed. The setting of the novel is Lagos, Nigeria and Umuofia, Nigeria during the 1950s, before Nigeria attained independence from Great Britain. The novel, No Longer at Ease begins with Obi Okonkwo on trial, charged for accepting a bribe. However, using flashback, the author takes us back to the point before Obi’s departure

Then in the 18th century the Portuguese got replaced by the British in the selling slaves business (thecommonwealth.org). From then on the British took over the country, reinforced their ideals, and rules, and took the resources of the country. After many years of compromising with the British though all aspects, socially, economically, and politically, Nigeria finally gained its independence in 1960. After gaining its independence Nigeria still wasn’t stable, instead it was quite the opposite. The country went through many forms of government, military rule, and civil war post colonization.

The Biafran war was a large part of Nigeria's history, and plays a huge part in It today.

Much of the Delta’s violence stems from the decision of government officials to allocate most of the profits from the Deltas oil production to the few ethnic majorities in power. However, the difference between rich and poor in a society is not enough to generate violent conflict within a region. It takes something much more in-depth and personal to generate the level of violence the Niger Delta is experiencing. Therefore, looking at conflict from a vertical inequality perspective, meaning from the lowest socioeconomic groups to Nigeria as a whole, does not do justice for this scenario. Horizontal inequalities is what can be used to explain the degree and ferocity of violence that is generated from the unequal distribution of goods and bads associated with oil production among religion, race, or language (Ostby, G. 2008). This horizontal inequality means that

The Nigerian-Biafran Civil War remains a touchstone for twenty-first century Nigeria. For Igbo Nigerians, the failed secession of Biafra is a historical moment that informs the collective consciousness of more than 27 million people. Survivors, historians, and human rights groups describe the massacres of Biafra as genocide. Depending on the historical document, reports of the dead range from 50,000 to 100,000 Igbo men, women, and children. Numerous combatants and non-combatants were killed by violence; still many more were killed by starvation. Life Magazine’s July 12, 1968 cover “Starving Children of Biafra War” and the iconic photographs of Don McCullin documented the travesty of the civil war, seemingly happening out of the view of the

As a result of this coming together, the Nigerians saw that they had more in common with each other than they had previously thought. This sparked unprecedented levels of interethnic teamwork. Nigerian political movements, media outlets, and trade unions whose purpose was the advancement of all Nigerians, not specific ethnic groups, became commonplace. the nationalistic movement grew out of some of the modernization the British had instituted in Nigeria. The educated elite became some of the most outspoken proponents of an independent Nigeria. This elite had grown weary of the harsh racism it faced in business and administrative jobs within the government. Both the elite and the uneducated also began to grow fearful of the increasing loss of traditional culture. They began movements to promote Nigerian foods, names, dress, languages, and religions. Increased urbanization and higher education brought large multiethnic groups together for the first time. As a result of this coming together, the Nigerians saw that they had more in common with each other than they had previously thought. This sparked unprecedented levels of interethnic teamwork. Nigerian political movements, media outlets, and trade unions whose purpose was the advancement of all Nigerians, not specific ethnic groups, became commonplace. As calls for self-determinationand a transfer of power into the hands of Nigerians grew, Britain began to divest more power into the regional governments. As a result of early colonial policies of divide and conquer, the regional governments tended to be drawn along ethnic lines. With this move to greater regional autonomy, the idea of a unified Nigeria became to crumble. Regionally and ethnically based political parties sprang up as ethnic groups began to wrangle for political influence. That is some of the religion That how something what okonkwo

The study started with general introductions of concepts, the Igbo people and Nigeria; and the significance of the study and study area. Furthermore, the discussion move from the trade relations between the Europeans and Africans along the Bight of Biafra which at about the 15th century to the arrival of the missionaries and the British colonial army/administration; colonialism started in full scale. The next sections focused on the outcome of the colonial experience of the Igbos, thus, the outcomes of the colonial policies were used as yardsticks to evaluate its consequences on the socio-political system of the Igbos. Thereafter, a discussion on the prolonged consequences of colonialism on democracy in Igbo land was

The first was the weak sense of nationalism caused by all the ethnic groups where religion played a major part of the division. The main three ethnicities in Nigeria are Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo; the former is Muslim while the two latter are Christians. The second cause mentioned was the “divide and rule” which was a British tactic to employ ethnic groups against one another, and thus “helped ensure that ethnicity would be the main line of political cleavage after Nigeria became an independent country.” The third cause is the personal rule system based on “big men” and what this means is that Nigerian’s who worked for the British used their personal relationships to gain power and wealth, and in a certain way it is still used today in the Nigerian government. The fourth devastating cause was the “creation of an increasingly active and interventionist state during WWII and after until its independence in 1960, but that opened the doors to patronage, which would be used to gain political power and wealth. The past reveals the problems Nigeria has had for several decades, some of which have not disappeared but seem to get progressively worse. (CITATION)

Before we begin, let’s take a look at the country and its environs. Nigeria a former British Colony, located in the western part of Africa, it shares borders with Benin, Cameroun, and Niger. A growing population of 150million, labour force of 51million (70% Agriculture, 10% industry and 20% service), urbanisation is less than 40%, GDP is over $300billion, Per capita income is $2300. Nigeria is blessed with different cultures, languages and ethnic groups (252 in total); this was due to the colonization of the British in the early 19th century (Columbia Encyclopaedia). The British amalgamated its protectorates in 1914 to enable stable control and governance which made them create one Nation of Nigeria formed from all the groups, community and empires around the Niger area under their control. Nigeria had her independence on the 1st of October 1960 and since then various civil wars, political and religious unrest in the country to share power and resources amicably.

     Nigeria has been a country in political turmoil for a long time. The country was created in 1914 under British colonial rule and at that time it was considered a protectorate. It was not until 1960 that Nigeria received independence from the United Kingdom. One of Nigeria's problems politically is that it has over three hundred different ethnic groups. The three largest of these are the Hausa-Fulani, Igbo, and Yoruba. At the time of the independence of Nigeria it was split up into three states with each state being under the control of one of the major ethnic groups. The natural resources of the other 297 ethnic groups were exploited for the major three groups,

Analyzing the processes of decolonization and early post-colony in Africa is a complex task. Especially when looking through the perspective of different nations that each followed their own path. Chinua Achebe’s There was a Country and Ngugi Wa Thiong’o’s Dreams in a Time of War, are both exceptional novels that grapple with the social and political struggles going on in their respective countries. They also help explore the complexities of nation building as well as political conflicts expression in communal form. On one hand, Thiong’o’s piece is a child’s recollection of his childhood with the lead up to the Mau Mau Emergency and colonialism in the backdrop. Achebe’s on the other hand takes place later in history and focuses on the political and social struggles that ultimately led to the Biafran war.

The rise and fall of the Igbo is not agreed upon and rarely discussed in West African studies. Many theories exist on how the Igbo gained power, but a majority agree upon one aspect of the Igbo’s ascent. Expansion occurred during the population migrations (Slattery), and Atlantic slave trade migrations (Alagoa). What led to the Igbo’s loss of power is better detailed because of foreign involvement. Inadequate leadership began with the British’s colonization of Igboland. Civil unrest followed British reign and power exchanged hands too often for stability. The Igbo eventually became involved in a civil war that gained international notice (Lamb 308) and finalized the Igbo’s descent. In conclusion, expansion drove the Igbo to power, with migrations

The researcher sourced materials from literatures published from 2000-2015, with the exception of press articles (which were excluded owing to time constraints on the project) were included in the review. The review was carried out in a methodical manner using the three main secondary sources to find literature: electronic databases using Google; as well as search functions of journals, reports and publications; and government websites where relevant literature where identified through content analysis. The collection of data was guided by the search strings displaced below in Table 1. Ideally, the literature is reviewed in line with the three research assumptions identified for this study. Ideally, the literature