Robert Zieger 's For Jobs And Freedom

Although it took almost fifty years after the American Revolutionary War was over, on July 4th and 5th, 1827, African American New Yorkers celebrated the passage of legislation that would finally free them from the bondage of slavery (11). In her book, In the Shadow of Slavery: African Americans in New York City, 1626-1863, Leslie M. Harris’s thesis is that class status was essential in the development of the black community in New York City from the moment they landed on Manhattan Island in 1626 (14). Harris also argued that the issue of slavery and emancipation of blacks in New York was an item that was brought up constantly, but elite white New Yorkers always hesitated on implementing legislation due to their constituent’s reliance on slave labor, their elite racist views of blacks (in general) as inferior (96), and the

In analyzing the problem Du Bois maintains a scientific outlook, free from emotional content and favoritism. To this degree, he demonstrates that Black people in America play a minor role in their own exploitation by their attempts to join in the game of capitalism. Yet, for the most part, they are limited in their efforts and consigned even then to a lesser petty bourgeois status. This, again, is due to the racial aspect of class that has been introduced and become a fixed part the game of capitalism. As such Du Bois concludes that the interests of the Black proletarian class and the Black petite bourgeoisie are aligned due to the commonality of racist subjugation and oppression at the hands of the White labor aristocracy, whose interests are aligned with capitalism. In addition, he concludes that since this is the case, there can be no Marxian revolution based upon the principle of a united class-conscious proletariat, and that in fact, if there is to be one, it will be the Black laborers who will be the vanguard of it. In coming to this conclusion, Du Bois is making a radical adaptation to accepted Marxist philosophy, yet

Before WWI, most black people had been dehumanized, effectively stripping them of the feeling to vote and were bereft from protection from police. “I am in the darkness of the south and I am trying my best to get out,” an inspirational migrant from Alabama wrote to the Chicago Defender. New opportunities for the urban part of the North blos-somed when the war reared its ugly head. The American industrial economy grew vigorously, and as existing European immigrants and white women were unable to meet demand, northern businesses leaned to black southerners to fill their place. When the word of higher wages and ameliorated working conditions spread around, northern businesses were met with positive feed-back as black men, in significant numbers came flocking, thus sprouting a social movement out of urban misery. The War, unknowingly, set the par for work for African Americans and the North became a liberating meadow for all those who sought equality and wanted to avoid the ‘racist menace’.

There has been many historians and theorists who have tackled colonial slavery. One of them is Ira Berlin whose book Many Thousands Gone is his take on slavery diversity in American history and how slavery is at the epicenter of economic production, amongst other things. He separates the book into three generations: charter, plantation and revolutionary, across four geographic areas: Chesapeake, New England, the Lower country and the lower Mississippi valley. In this paper, I will discuss the differences between the charter and plantation generations, the changes in work and living conditions, resistance, free blacks and changes in manumission.

While the first two sections of the book provide the historical context of the settling of the Virginia colony, the last two demonstrate Morgan’s theory of how racism was developed to ensure a sustainable workforce. The rise of the labor theory demonstrates how slavery itself became a necessary business venture in Virginia while at the same time justified the Revolutionary concepts of liberty and equality for all white men. The belief that only the men, or white Englishmen

While many have described the civil war as simply the war between the States, Bruce Levine in his book “Half Slave and Half Free: The Roots of Civil War” has put together an 80 year survey from around 1773 the pre-revolutionary era to the Civil War with well documented evidence of the social, cultural and political idealisms of our once divided nation. This book review will emphasize points on each of the book’s chapters which are put chronologically and particularly comparing the southern slave labor system to the free labor system in the north. Levine’s thesis statement on page four of his book reads as follows, “What impelled so many-rich, middling, and poor; white and black; native-born and immigrant- to risk and sacrifice so much? To answer such questions, this book reexamines the antebellum political history in the light of the broader economic, social, cultural, and ideological developments that shaped the lives of the American people”. (p. 4) Clearly the author of the book has researched numerous historical papers and has placed them in the direction his thesis will be provided with hard evidence from the founding fathers’ letters, written memos and of course the laws put into the United States constitution.

As we already noted – in the 1800s expediency of slavery was disputed. While industrial North almost abandoned bondage, by the early 19th century, slavery was almost exclusively confined to the South, home to more than 90 percent of American blacks (Barney W., p. 61). Agrarian South needed free labor force in order to stimulate economic growth. In particular, whites exploited blacks in textile production. This conditioned the differences in economic and social development of the North and South, and opposing viewpoints on the social structure. “Northerners now saw slavery as a barbaric relic from the past, a barrier to secular and Christian progress that contradicted the ideals of the Declaration of Independence and degraded the free-labor aspirations of Northern society” (Barney W., p. 63).

During the 19th and 20th century African Americans faced Discrimination in the United States. Three African Americans took roles of leadership and began trying to uplift the lives of blacks in society. Those who took control of this movement were Booker T. Washington, Marcus Garvey and W.E.B Dubois. These activists wanted the same result and implemented different techniques to follow their similar hopes for blacks in America. Each of these leaders has allowed America to develop in extensive ways for several years and those yet to come. Alternate pathways were taken by each leader to resolve the overall issue of racism. These issues include things such as not having the right to vote,own property and prevent lynchings. This paper will argue that had Garvey's theory of the new negro and Dubois’ ideas of education been implemented, racism in America would have been reduced because the allocation of education would allow for their to become a new negro. The application of Marcus Garvey's theory including thoughts of W.E.B Dubois’ on racism would have brought white power to an end.

In his excerpt entitled The Land of Opportunity author James Loewen highlights the invisible struggles of the middle class. Loewen’s chief complaint is that the segregation and exploitation of the working class has been marginalized by the American social elite and all but erased from high school history books. Mr. Loewen posits that the authors of our children’s textbooks “construe labor history as something that happened long ago, like slavery, and that like slavery, was corrected long ago” (Loewen). While it may be seen as insensitive to compare the labor movement to slavery, Mr. Loewen is joined by other authors and activists who argue against rewriting or marginalizing our history in order to preserve our “national identity”. In order for our nation to continue to excel, we must learn from our mistakes not hide them. American history has been tumultuous and rife with conflict; which has led to a shift in ideals, and thus aided in the elevation of the people as a whole – this struggle is necessary and must continue.

Although freedom to become citizens took longer and the fight more difficult, a great number of African Americans steadily gained various rights which accumulated over time. It is important to note that racial segregations momentum dissipated over time as more and more blacks held positions of authority and congressional approval overwhelmingly supported more rights for blacks. Nonetheless, it is also imperative to consider how white supremacists such as the KKK fought to undo the important developments. Till this day, both the executive legislative and judiciary wings of government are constantly battling instances of racial segregation. However, the long range effects of federal government struggle to secure equal rights for African Americans has been significant successes in the rise of African American entrepreneurship. The proliferation of blacks in both government and civil society, the rise of blacks in academia, sports and liberal arts are long effects of the fight for African American rights. This has progressively opened up American society and in a way, levelled the playing field. Also this federal government action to intervene in the affairs of the state has lived on throughout the 21st century.

Dawning the year of 1895, the future of Black America finally rested in the hands of the very people to whom it concerned, the black community. Two popular philosophies were presented, and the argument between Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Dubois began. These two advocated for very different means of acquiring equality, Washington promotes the economic survival of the masses while Dubois promoted the superior intelligence of the few. The struggle between representing the masses and isolating the few proved to be the deciding factor when determining which philosophy was capable of supporting the desired future of Black America. A future where the economic foundation of the masses proved to be the key to promoting equality among white and black America.

During the 17th century, anti-slavery legislation emerged and the “abolitionist movement” began the fight to end racial discrimination. The “Underground Railroad” is an example of activism during this era, which helped slaves escape to freedom. The most active “conductor” of the system, Harriet Tubman, reportedly guided three hundred slaves to freedom. In the 1860s the Radical Republicans, hoped to use the power of the federal government to mandate legal equality for African Americans. In this time of violence and Black Codes against African Americans, the government considered racial equality to be a dangerous social experiment (Trowbridge, 2016).

Thus, slavery pulled white workers down in two ways: one, by direct competition with slave labor in the South, and two, by associating all the industrious efforts of workers with those of the degraded slaves.”

In the Wages of Whiteness (an edition revision) by David Roediger, an American labor historian, he examines the growth and social construction of race during the 1800s and its relations to white workers. Roediger states by labeling race based on its skin color and social status, white folks were“...seen as ‘naturally’ white, and Black workers become ‘intruders’ who are strongly suspected of being ‘loafers’ as well” (Roediger 19). The production of race formed once white workers accepted their class positions by accepting their identities as ‘not slaves’ and as ‘not Blacks’. In this case, there was a necessity for white workers to have its own sense of class and gender identity to determine who has power and who does not.

According to the perspective of E. Franklin Frazier, the “Black Bourgeoisie played an important role among American Negros for decades. Frazier’s study led him to the significant of “Negro Business” and its impact on the black middle class. Education was a major social factor responsible for emergence of the Black bourgeoisie.