Role Of Intergovernmental Organizations ( Igo 's ) As Oecd, World Bank And Unesco

For hundreds of years state sovereignty has allowed for individual states to effectively handle their problems internally. However, with the current increase of globalism, which Keohane and Nye describe as “a state of the world involving networks of interdependence at multicontinental distances” (75), many of the world’s major concerns have moved beyond the level of individual states. This interdependence has affected economic, military, environmental, as well as social and cultural aspects of international relations and everyday life. These overlapping processes of globalization have allowed for a great deal of global progress, but progress is impossible to achieve without occasional setbacks. The problems we face today are rooted in the contradiction of solving global issues while relying on the state-based Westphalian system of governance. Governance “provide[s] a general way to formulate, implement, monitor and enforce social rules,” (Scholte 20) but it is no longer possible to rely on a state-based system, in which states act independently to pursue self-interest, to solve international problems, many of which have been created collectively. State sovereignty and the motivation of power in political realism continue to neglect the important issues we face with growing global concerns that can only be solved with an increased cooperation through the strengthening of international institutions and non-state actors. It is necessary to shift from a state-based form of

The era of globalization has witnessed the growing influence of a number of unconventional international actors, from non-governmental organizations, to multi-national corporations, to global political movements. Traditional, state-centric definitions of foreign policy

The era of globalization has witnessed the growing influence of a number of unconventional international actors, from non-governmental organizations, to multi-national corporations, to global political movements. Traditional, state-centric definitions of foreign policy as "the policy of a sovereign state in its interaction with other sovereign states is no longer sufficient. Several alternative definitions are more helpful at highlighting aspects of foreign policy

The Phenomena we’re trying to address will be encapsulated by the term ‘Institutional Inaction’. Formally, a case of ‘Institutional Inaction’ is found any time an institution decides to not speak, not learn, not publicize, all with the intention of improving or maintaining the standing, prestige, or funding of the group. It rests a great deal upon the assumptions of a ‘Bureaucratic Politics Model’, which posits that states are not unitary actors, but instead, that their myriad institutions vie for funding and clout in order to carry out their adopted objectives. Institutional Inaction 's closest relative is ‘Bullshit’ of the Frankfurt variety – the objective of such inaction is not necessarily related to any

In the course of a country’s decision making, it considers many different ideas and eventually creates policy that benefits the entire state. Typical deliberations on policy can last many months or even years, allowing for the most beneficial and thought out policy to benefit every constituent. In many cases, especially those

Policies are highly complex. They are politically dependant and thus dynamic in nature, due to the varying values of policy influencers (Buse et al 2012). Policy analysts are keen on understanding the political arena in which a certain policy is developed, as

The goal of the “post-Westphalian democratic justice” is to change the current state-territorial borders and the way they are drawn. This process, along with globalization, forces the former monological process (experts making decisions) to become dialogical (collective decisions, made in a political manner and reached through dialogue). Furthermore, framing should respect the “all affected principle” (anyone affected has a voice—not based on physical geography but rather a common point—concerning that issue). In sum, Fraser defines justice as the parity of participation at all levels and dimensions. In a globalized world where numerous problems cross borders, this requires a democratic international decision-making

FitzGerald and Cook-Martin (2014), through there chapters, provide how policies today are shaped by policies of the past, and the policies here, have been shaped by the policies there. Therefore, they provide a three-dimensional analytical model, focusing on the interactions between national and international levels over time (8). The three dimensions are temporal, vertical and horizontal (9).

Although the aspirations and goals of states are often motivated by external political pressures, analysis of recent foreign policy decisions demonstrates how internal political forces can play equally crucial roles in the pursuit and execution of these objectives. Thus, it would be invalid to claim that domestic politics and the nature of regimes play minor roles in either the goals a state pursues or the means it employs to reach them. By understanding how the diffusion of power in governments affect policy decisions, one can develop increased awareness of the linkages that exist between the internal pressures of domestic politics and the external forces of foreign politics.

“Policy emerges out of what is in effect a negotiation between interested individuals and the groups and organizations that, formally or informally, represent them. This ‘negotiation’ is particularly focused on and shaped by the values of those involved – by what they see as right and wrong, good and bad. “

Finnemore and Sikkink (1998) argue that norms evolve in three stages, which they call the norm life cycle. In the first stage of norm emergence, there is a conviction that something must be changed and the “norm entrepreneurs” persuade states to adopt the norm. If a “tipping point” is reached, which is usually one-third of the states, states adopt the norm for domestic political reasons (Finnemore & Sikkink, 1998). The second stage is norm cascade where states adopt norms in response to international pressure; they do this to enhance domestic legitimacy, conformity, and esteem needs (Finnemore & Sikkink, 1998). The final stage is norm internalization in which the norms become internalized and professionals press for codification and universal

In their introduction to the chapter "Why International Organisations Matter," which was contributed to Business and the Politics of Globalisation: After the Global Financial Crisis, authors Xu Yi-chong and Patrick Weller begin the rhetorical defense of international organisations (IOs) by providing a review of recent global crises, and describing the various roles that global groups like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) played in addressing these most complex of dilemmas. The work performed by both the IMF and the World Bank in mitigating the disastrous effects of the global financial crisis is presented as a prime example of the efficacy of international organisations, as is the authoritative Report issued by the IPCC in response to mounting evidence in support of climate change as a demonstrable scientific phenomenon. As Yi-chong and Weller state unequivocally, "globalisation could not have taken place without the desire of states to pursue cooperation; neither could it have happened without IOs acting as effective facilitators of that cooperation" (2010), because communication on the international scale often requires an objective third-party for purposes of negotiation, mediation, and conflict resolution.

Implementation Of Total Quality Management: A Case Study Of Allama Iqbal Open University. Allama Iqbal Open University (AIOU) is a public university that was established in 1974 and it is located in Pakistan. When AIOU was instituted, it faced problems because of its non-formal education. The University worked tirelessly to improved it processes; hence, it became one of the major institutions in Asia and Pacific. Over 135 programs are offered, and it has an enrollment of over 1 million students. Its primary goal is to cultivate human capital through continuous education to all in various socio-cultural and economic sectors in Pakistan. AIOU also

While the concept of over-compliance at face value may seem diametrically opposed to most conversations regarding state behavior in IOs, this paper will argue that over-compliance is neither a rare nor a relatively unique occurrence. Therefore, its absence in the larger compliance literature is noticeably conspicuous. One possible explanation for this lack of compliance studies examining why states might elect to surpass minimum standards stems from the dominance of rationalist institutionalist explanations for the role, impact, and importance of IOs (see Abbott & Snidal, 1998; Farrell & Héritier, 2005) From the rationalist institutionalist viewpoint, compliance is based on cost-benefit calculations weighing the potential benefits and costs of adhering to international requirements (Zurn & Joerges, 2011). Thus, a rationalist institutionalist might argue that a state’s compliance with

Agreements on International Public Policy have never been as abundant as in the last century. In the meantime, Globalisation has become a major phenomenon around the world, at various levels. So, it will be interesting to know if globalisation makes agreements on International Public Policy easier or harder.