Sangha Act of 1941
The Sangha Act of 1941 followed the shift in Thai politcs toward a more democratic approach after monarchy fell in 1932. A demonstration of two thousand monks from twelve provinces in Bangkok in 1935 calling for greater democratization of the sangha represents this shift.
The sangha was also structured to reflect the modern government with a separation of powers into a legislative, executive, and judiciary systems, with an ecclesiastical assembly, ecclesiastical cabinet, and ecclesiastical courts. However, though the sangha had become more democratic, the government continued to exert an increasing amount of influence over the sangha. Despite the government holding significant influence over the sangha, the monarchy still valued the public perception of the sangha as a legitimating power, with King Rama IX spending two weeks in 1956 at Wat Bowonniwet as a monk.
Sangha Act of 1962
Yet, the democratic policies of the Sangha Act of 1941 were not to last. The rise of Field Marshal Sarit in 1958 signaled a return to authoritative rule.
Significance of the Act
The Sangha Act of 1962 rejected the principles of democracy and returned to a hierarchical structure. This new hierarchical structure reflected the government structure creating multiple layers down to the local level. This parallel structure allows the sangha to continue to operate in one of its more significant roles as a channel of communication for the government.
A return to a more
about in it by legislations and judicial decisions did not fulfil the desired ends and remained hardly acceptable to a dynamic Hindu society of contemporary era
The Indian Act document signed in 1876, resulted in the first nation people to give up their land, religion, culture, and rights. The government wanted the first nation people to give up their Indian status and be them, follow their culture.
Khassadars. Khassadari is centuries old system, which was refined and properly org by the British, mainly to bribe, benefit or give
In 1861, the Offences Against the Person Act (OAPA 1861) was introduced to give distinction between various criminal acts towards other people. However, from its inception it has created the requirements for defences for the numerous offences. One of the most complex of these is the defence of consent, the one to be considered here. With regard to this problem, it is necessary to identify any crime that has been committed, examine how consent will apply and analyse how satisfactory the law is on this topic. I will first discuss what crimes Wilbur has committed followed by whether he can indeed use the defence of consent before finishing with my own thoughts on the law and how this area could possibly benefit from reform.
the needs of the laity. It caused a liberal wing of the sangha to break away
On 12 March 1930, Gandhi started a historic march to Dandi known as the Salt Satyagraha. It was an act of Civil Disobedience Movement against the British tax law in India. Gandhi and 78 satyagrahis (volunteers) walked for 24 days. On the way to Dandi, they were able to reach 40 villages and towns where about 50,000 people heard their messages. Gandhi broke the salt law on 6 April 1930, and millions of people throughout India followed the act. The entire country became conscious of the struggle for Purna Swaraj (independence). The repertoire of the Salt Satyagraha then was massively spread across the country.
The British Raj colonized India in an organized fashion while utilizing its ‘luxury, wealth and pleasure’ regardless of the fact that, that was only true in rare situations. The majority of the time the British Raj confronted political confusion, revolts and extreme racism towards both British and Indian people; these conflicts subdued with the common stereotype that India was a realm of spice, wealth, and glory. Suggesting the British Raj was beneficial to the Indian subcontinent would be an indistinct opposition.
On the midnight of 14 August 1947, when the world was sleeping India awoke to life and freedom. Awaking from the slumber of foreign yoke the nation resolved to break away from all the shackles which had brought insurmountable pain and misfortune on its children. Purging itself from the scum of ignorance, communalism and archaic traditions which ensured subjugation of millions in the name of caste and sex were few such resolutions. True to the ideals of a modern parliamentary democracy which the country chose to follow, the constitution was turned into a potent weapon to deal with all such vices which was holding the country back. Untouchability was prohibited, communal electorates were done away with, and secularism was enshrined, in short with swift strokes of pen a social revolution was commenced upon.
He makes comparisons between Dalit and Muslim leaders who have in the last six decades acquired substantial roles in the political milieu of India. Why hasn’t there been representation from the Adivasis? Guha believes that Adivasis do not have majority in any single peninsular state of India, therefore during elections, tribal votes do not make an impact as compared to Dalit votes. Guha also observes that the Dalits have had influential leaders (such as B.R Ambedkar) who have streamlined their marginalization, unlike Adivasis, who have never had a leader who could inspire admiration. Another important point highlighted is the role of contemporary media in projecting mainly Dalit and Muslim issues and not those concerning Adivasis. Therefore due to the negligence of the government, Maoists tend to influence the tribals into believing their socio-economic advancement agenda, according to Guha does not exist as the Maoists main agenda is to capture power through armed
India waited another twenty-seven years to enshrine secularism as one of the objectives of the nation. On 1 September 1976, through the 42nd Amendment Act, passed during an internal emergency, the words "secular" and "socialist were formally added to the preamble of the Constitution. Then proposed constitutional changes can be considered under the following heads: (i) Amendability of the Constitution; (ii) Fundamental Rights; (iii) Directive Principles
As far as we understand, since the military coup d’etat which takes place in 1932, military force has been one of the major actor in the political system. Unlike political leader and political parties that aims to win election in order to form the Government and at the same time have a control on the power; on the other hand, the military force of Thailand which is commonly known as Thai Royal Army feels that they are the ‘stateman’, which are responsible for the future of the state. Therefore, the intervention in the politics is itself because of the sense of responsibility of the military force to ‘correct’ what is seem to be ‘incorrect’ by the political leader of the civilian Government. This is because, in Thailand, the military force is not answerable to the civilian Government, but they are only answerable and accountable to the Nation and the King of Thailand. That is the main reason, why before, a military coup de’ tat takes place, the Thai Royai Army must firstly obtain the permission by the King of Thailand; in which the King will only permits a coup de’ tat that is for the sake of nation.
Moreover, the use of sentencing circles still in use in some indigenous cultures across the world and remnants of the “panchayat” system used in rural communities across India are extremely valuable for us to study the inner workings and effectiveness of theses traditional justice systems. George and Lynn Vincentnathan, in their article briefly describe the duties and inner workings of the “panchayat” construing that the panchayat “consisted of caste elders” that discussed “issues and disputes internal to the caste” and another that consisted of village elders mostly “ higher caste landowners” who settled disputes ranging from land disputes, theft, more serious offences to even family disputes and arranging marriages, with “sanctions for wrongdoing including fines, restitution, and excommunication” (2007).
Religion in India continues to assert its political authority in certain matters like the personal law of where the
It could work well neither as a legislature nor as a constitution writing body. The Indian CA headed by two different speakers, one for making law and the other for drafting the statue – could, it is argued, be a good model to follow.
In VC Shukla v Delhi Admin (1980), the court while dealing with the legislative competence of the state to pass a law establishing special courts for dealing with offences committed by persons holding high public office, held such courts to be valid. It also held that the court could strike down an administrative act if bias or mala fides was proved. The court in this case clarified that the theory of “basic structure” would apply only to constitutional amendments and not to an ordinary law passed by the Parliament or the state legislature.