The image of a somewhat cohesive revolutionary party working towards peace put forth by Womack draws a stark line between the “bandit” enemy described by General Huerta and the Zapatistas. Brunk, in his writings on Zapata, challenges this narrative by exploring the gray space that does not allow for easy delineation between revolutionaries and bandits. Rather than existing as an arbitrary offshoot of Zapatismo, “banditry represented the pursuit of local political (and economic) goals” (Brunk, 349). Womack does acknowledge the “insoluble village rivalries that only compromise could ease”, but does not relate them directly to feuds involving bandits (Womack, 233). The nature of local politics was arguably defined by the multiplicity of intrinsic power struggles over local democratization.
This investigation will explore the question: To what extent did Pancho Villa’s relations with the U.S. change his political image? I will be evaluating The Mexican Revolution by Adolfo Gilly as well as The United States and Pancho Villa: A Study in Unconventional Diplomacy by Clarence C. Clendenen. I selected these two sources to compare because the first source is written by Adolfo Gilly, who is a professor in Mexico which means his viewpoint is different compared to Clarence Clendenen’s, who is a professor at Stanford University in the United States.
“To understand this sentiment, consider the fact that out of the 120.8 million people who call Mexico home, over half—52.3 percent, or roughly over 63 million—live at or below the country’s poverty line. Couple that with a declining confidence in government (only one third of all Mexicans trust elected officials), and you create a window for the population to turn elsewhere for role models” (Martinez). A large part of mexico lives in poverty because the lack of job opportunities the government offers to the people. In a letter written to explain why they marched in favor of El Chapo explain how Guzman helps people get jobs “El Chapo and the drug trade provide employment opportunities that pay well. A dream come true, in places where the government does not lend a helping hand”(Rueda). The drug business creates many jobs for people to survive in such a corrupt country that cannot provide enough jobs.“That drugs destroy. Unfortunately, as I said, where I grew up there was no other way and there still isn’t a way to survive, no way to work in our economy to be able to make a living”(Somaiya) El Chapo told Pen in his interview as Somaiya explains. El Chapo began working in the drug business at a young age. His family's poverty is what made Guzman join the cartels. Guzman started from the bottom and worked his way up. Now he is incharge of the Sinaloa cartel and is a very rich man. Altho he is in jail he has managed
Methods: This investigation will describe Che Guevara’s involvement in Latin American independence movements, focusing specifically on his involvement with Fidel Castro’s “26th of July” movement. His actions and words will be analyzed, and his conduct this period of political upheaval will be used as evidence in order to answer the investigative question.
The arrest of Joaquin ‘El Chapo’ Guzman was a victorious circumstance for the Mexican government, who have been closing down on his presence for the recent past years. Mexican authorities began taking down high ranked members of the Sinaloa Cartel including two of Guzman’s main associates. On February 22, 2014, the world’s most wanted man had also been captured. Although the biggest drug lord has been captured, the crime and violence left behind cannot be forgotten.
Having a Civil Rights Director on board will be beneficial for everyone and it will supplement the SAPR program in marked ways. However, the Civil Rights Director is a position primarily geared toward faculty and staff whereas the SAPR program is primarily geared towards the student body.
One of the most speculative experiences of conquest and dictatorship in the history of Latin America has been the socialist and dictatorial regimes in Chile. Chile has gone through multiple times of dictatorship, lead by the military, and also had lapses of a socialist government. The film “Machuca” by Andres Wood provided an insight of the series of social events in Chile in 1973, ranging from inter personal experiences to political issues and the Chilean nation. “Two dictators, Salvador Allende and Augusto Pinochet, both brought tremendous suffering upon the Chilean people -- one through his socialist policies and nationalization of
Peron transformed Argentina’s economy, social structure and political culture in ways that continue to shape Argentina to this day. On the other side, Peron’s political actions as well as his legacy cannot be characterized easily, he was a politician who provided for the masses as well as being supported by them while still being in various ways the president of an authoritarian regime. What were both Peron and Castro’s economic goals, and how do they differ from each other?
As Charles Bergquist observes, "Crises in Colombia tend to generate cycles of violence instead of mutations in the political regime." The reason is simple: regime changes in Colombia tend to produce very little change in anything other than nominal rule. Since Colombia's independence from Spain in the early 19th century, Colombia has seen a series of civil wars and secessions (Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama the last coming rather conveniently at a time when the U.S. was prepared to pay millions for a canal through its nation preparation that later resulted in a multi-million dollar redress to Columbia). Colombia's political history, therefore, has been colored by outside influences pulling on the two dominant liberal and conservative parties, with violent exchanges, and long periods of instability being the consequences. While regime changes have occurred, they have not produced significant improvements. Rather, Colombia in the 20th century has become a nesting ground for paramilitary forces and drug traffickers, with U.S. Central Intelligence operatives contributing heavily to the violent conflict that has risen between regimes. This paper will examine the regime types that preceded the Rojas Pinilla regime in mid-20th century Colombia, analyze their similarities and differences, and discuss the extent to which Rojas Pinilla reached his goals and objectives.
Selbin identifies the most important part of a social revolution is the transformation of the society that is broken up into two parts consolidation and institutionalization of a country (Selbin 13). Augusto Pinochet and Fidel Castro both tried to succeed in these aspects, but both had success in areas but also failures in others. Their rise to power, reign and their political ideology separated them on a fundamental level, but they did have some similarities.
Throughout the course of history, several authoritarian leaders have risen to power and maintained their acquired power through physical, violent means. Two authoritarian leaders that have transformed their acquired power into dictatorial rights are Fidel Castro of Cuba and Augusto Pinochet of Chile. Interestingly, Castro and Pinochet differed in their ideals about the ideal structure of governments. While Castro advocated for a socialist, Marxist, anti-imperialist Cuba, Pinochet favored a anti-Marxist, anti-socialist, capitalist Chile. Despite their differing ideals, both shared several similarities in their efforts to establish and maintain their power. Both individuals rose to power in a similar manner: a sort of coup d’état. Both individuals maintained power through positive and negative means. Castro and Pinochet introduced several economic reforms that mostly benefited the people of Cuba and Chile. While these economic reforms allowed for the financial freedom of many Cubans and Chileans, the dictatorial rulers politically repressed the residents of Cuba and Chile. While many historians believe that Castro and Pinochet greatly differed due to their opposing beliefs, both dictators share multiple similarities in the ways that they rose to power, negatively maintained power, and positively
Joaquin Archivaldo Guzman Loera, also known as El Chapo, was born in the rural community of La Tuna, Badiraguato, Sinaloa (Beith, 2010). Guzman Loera started his trafficking career in the 1980’s working for the powerful Miguel Angel Felix-Gallardo (U.S Department of State, 2015); he was able to quickly move up the ranks because of his expertise in air logistics (U.S DOS, 2015). Guzman Loera is now the most powerful drug trafficker in the world and the leader of the Sinaloa cartel in Mexico. Thousands of killings have been attributed to Guzman Loera’s organization, along with kidnappings, and extortions. Mexican authorities arrested Guzman Loera on June 9th, 1993, for murder and drug related charges and was given a twenty year sentence in a maximum security prison in Jalisco, Mexico. However, he managed to escape from the maximum security prison on January 19, 2001 (U.S DOS, 2015). His escape from the maximum security prison in Jalisco has allowed him to
I decided to write this research paper because we were assigned to find an issue or subject within Latin America to write about. One of the most widely known and influential revolutionary figure in the history of Latin America is Ché Guevara. Ché knew how to use his intelligence and judgment in all the circumstances he encountered taking advantage of each moment as if it was a highly intensive chess game he was sincerely