A part of the Current Research Focus Climate Change, Sea-level Rise (SLR) and Coastal Flooding (CF), Norfolk State University proposed a collaborative effort between the natural sciences and social sciences to examine the perceptions and attitudes of African Americans in the Hampton Roads area to both sea-level rise and coastal flooding. As a sociologist on the collaborative team, analyzing racial dynamics and perceptions of marginalized populations is critical to understanding under-served communities in relation to natural security, emergency preparedness, and resilience is relevant to the goals and objectives of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Specifically, this component of the project focused on the socio-environmental …show more content…
These areas of interest are inextricably linked to the goals and objectives of the DHS. Academic collaboration across disciplinary lines, involving multi-institutional support, strengthened the project and provided a more comprehensive understanding of environmental changes. The project management and synergy between the two disciplines is presented in Figure 1. Project Plan The project plan was developed to maximize collaboration between the natural science team and the sociological team. Thus, the proposed summer research project provided a comprehensive approach to both environmental impact and social/behavioral perspectives. Week 1: Students were trained in CITI, focusing on questionnaire materials and information storage, and data transfer. Week 2-3: Students conducted literature reviews and developed background social science scholarship. Week 4-7: Implementation phase on focus group planning and continued social and behavioral research indicators as it relates to community issues. Week 8-9: The team made site visits and refined research skill. Week 10: The team prepared final report briefings presented at the host institution. Because of the delay in the approval process for the questionnaire, the actual field research component will take place in the next phase of the project. The research process is on-going and provides long term research
The storm unearthed weaknesses, inequalities, and prejudices that were present throughout the Gulf Coast and U.S. society long before the storm (Levitt 2). By unveiling the black poor of New Orleans, Hurricane Katrina had the potential to become a turning point that would force the United States to take another look at race and class relations in a supposedly “post-racial” and “democratic” society, spurring brand new conversation about the structural racial and classist intersections from which societal inequalities and institutionalized racism are produced. However, this hurricane did not become that turning point, and we were instead steered back to our ideological bases while we watched the unending coverage of the crisis. We were able to
A modern-day study being done about the racial discrimination that was brought upon thousands of families during Hurricane Katrina is now in the limelight and takes a specific look at the way certain people perceive this notion of racism. The arguments that are being considered examine the past reports of Black and White participants regarding racial differences and their perceptions of the racial inequality following Hurricane Katrina. The participants for this investigation were asked whether or not the United States government would have provided aid and responded faster to different socio-economic and racial groups during the hurricane. According to de la Peña et al. (2010), a higher percentage of White participants said that socio-economic status is more important, while Blacks relied on race more. Additionally, more White participants believed that the slow government response effort was not influenced by race and/or socio-economic status of the victims. Although there is a contention between the two races, there is a higher percentage of agreement when concerning discrimination altogether.
Generally, historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) are located in predominately black, low-wealth communities. The geographical location of the HBCUs map to these vulnerable populations. In 2013, (eight-years post Katrina and 21 years after the 17 foundational principles were published) the first ever HBCU Climate Change student conference was held at Dillard University’s Deep South Center for Environmental Justice in Baton Rouge, LA. Spearheaded from the work of Dr. Bullard, this Conference seeks to answer questions on climate-related health disparities in addition to extreme weather phenomena. In 2012 in the Environmental Challenges and Vulnerable Communities report, Dr. Bullard warned that communities of color face a "perfect
Instead African Americans because of the economic differences were more likely than White Americans to live in lower lying areas of the city which were more affected by the ocean swells and sea wall breaches caused by Hurricane Katrina. It would seem as Klein put it, “wealth buys altitude”. And the numbers seem to resonate this sentiment, “A block-by-block analysis of census data and flood maps reveals that about half of the city’s white residents experienced serious flooding, compared with three-quarters of black residents.” (Fussell, Elizabeth)
In “The Geography of Social Vulnerability: Race, Class, and Catastrophe,” Susan Cutter presents a crucial point that America South’s segregated past is still observable in the spatial and social geography of southern cities such as New Orleans. The impact of the storm was greatest to the poor black communities that were located in the least desirable locations, with risks of higher hazard probabilities and limited social services, when wealthy, white individuals have secured homes in safer, flood-protected areas with many resources. The catastrophe of Hurricane Katrina cannot be understood without knowing what triggered the placement of African American communities in areas where flooding was most likely to occur. It is important to recognize the contributions of race and class factors that led to the high black poverty rate in New Orleans and ultimately, to the concentration of poor blacks in areas most vulnerable to the
The researcher obtained permission and approval from the Institutional Review Board (IRB) from Our Lady of the Lake University,
Good morning Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee. Thank you for your attention on this important topic. I am Madison Myones, Mayor of New Orleans, making an assessment of sea level risk in Orleans Parish, Louisiana, where 85 percent of the residents support funding additional research into renewable energy sources (Marlon & Howe, 2017). I speak on behalf of the citizens of Orleans Parish where our unique culture and vibrant heritage are under constant threat due to the impending risk of climate change and potential sea level rise that could engulf our entire county. Already we are seeing more coastal loss in Louisiana than anywhere else in the country; I fear that if sea level rise continues to go unchecked, our county will not
The City of New Orleans, Louisiana was particularly vulnerable to the ramifications of Hurricane Katrina. Despite all of the forewarnings, determinants such as socioeconomic status influenced resident’s ability to evacuate their homes. Additionally, topography of the region increased the capability for destruction as nearly half of the city, on average, lays six feet below sea level and is surrounded by water.
Following Hurricane Katrina, many people sought to answer the question of whether its social effects and the government response to the country’s biggest natural disaster had more to do with race or with class. During the Hurricane Katrina, the damage was worst in the city's low-lying areas where poor, black residents were concentrated. The fact that most of those pleading for help were black served as a reminder that race continued to affect the opportunities of Americans. The racial dimension of this inadequate governmental response provided a focused attention on the mixture of political bungling and racial hostility that transformed a natural disaster into an enduring human tragedy. Race, class and economic factors are seen as inextricably
Anne Arundel County is located on the coast of Maryland, and is “ almost completely surrounded by tidal and non-tidal waterways.”(pg. 1) This plan assesses the vulnerability of Anne Arundel County to sea level rise and makes recommendations improving the community’s climate resilience. It analyzes the impact sea level rise will have on the county in two scenarios, one where sea level rise is 0-2ft and one where it is 0-5ft. For instance, it identifies that 371 county archeological sites are vulnerable to 0-2ft of inundation and 422 sites are with 0-5ft of inundation. The plan notes that such sites are important cultural resources for the county and that “[o]nce they are destroyed [...] the information these sites can tell us of our past is
Environmental disasters are often pushed into regions with a higher rate of marginalized groups; relating to class, gender, and race. The dangerous environmental issues that these groups face hinder their process in the fight for equality, oppressing them and hurting the environment even more. Areas with a higher black population are forced into poverty for various reasons that
One of the worse natural disasters to ever impact the Earth was undoubtedly Hurricane Katrina. It impacted New Orleans causing many casualties. This lead to psychological pain as the city tried to regain its prior image. Also, leading to environmental racism, which is a form of discrimination against minority groups and individuals from less unfortunate countries who are exposed to environmental hazards (Ravelli & Webber, 2013). Individuals in New Orleans had been endangered to discrimination due to being left in areas exposed to disasters. Furthermore, how New Orleans coped with the situation, comes from Bullard’s ideas of ecological righteousness, changing the burden of proof to polluters also equalizing current inequalities. The city faced
Over the last several decades, climate change has evolved from a polarizing discussion to what will likely be the largest collaborative research project of our generation. While many aspects of climate change are still misunderstood, there is little debate that the concentration of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere is rising at an alarming rate. This rise is considered the main cause behind an increase in global temperature, which has set in motion a chain reaction of climatic events.
Environmental disasters disproportionately effect communities of color in the United States South. The politicalization of “natural” disaster has been documented by Ted Steinberg in Acts of God The Unnatural History of Natural Disaster in America. While the socially and economically disadvantaged are at a higher risk of being severely impacted by environmental disaster certain groups are also subject harsh political rhetoric based on a narrative crafted around the disaster. Prominent examples of this include the myth of wide spread, african-american looters which emerged after Hurricane Katrina. Peddled both by mainstream media outlets and especially reactionary politicians and cultural icons like Chris Kyle. This was not the first instance of racialized rhetoric emerging out of environmental disaster but actually fits into
The current observable rise in sea level provides the world with a clear example of the harmful effects of excess greenhouse gas emissions. Instances in Norfolk, Virginia and southern Florida clearly represent the dangers that unregulated carbon dioxide emission can pose to the environment, and its dangerous impact on human life. For example, Norfolk is the home to the the largest naval station in the world and functions as one of the most critical bases for the United States Navy. However, rising sea levels caused by carbon dioxide emissions threaten the future of the base and the need to move the base or adapt it to the new seascape would be a cumbersome burden on American taxpayers. As a result, humans are tasked with finding ways to curb