Sports Culture 's Influence On Rape And Violence

Even with substantial evidence, many accused athletes have been defended by coaches while victims were ignored and blamed for dressing inappropriately or failing to control intoxication. In addition, athletes are often protected by the school because of the reputation and entitlement athletes have, and are offered top-tier legal representation provided by the school. While there is a significant portion of student-athletes who commit sexual assault, not all athletes are responsible. Research shows that perpetrators generally come from the high-performance and high-aggression sports like football, basketball, and

The other portion of rape culture that is especially dominant in fraternities and athletes is the role of secrecy. These social groups are so tightly knit that they learn from each other and support each other no matter what. The loyalty of peer support from the members comes hand in hand with brotherhood and a team. They have a group secrecy that forbids revealing the unexpected behavior of others in order to protect members within the group, as well as the group’s reputation. As Hummer (1989) notes, “brotherhood norms require sticking together regardless of right or wrong”. This secrecy allows fraternity brothers and athletes to justify and endorse rape, because they have the support from their closest friends. These “members are admonished to avoid getting the fraternity in trouble” (Hummer, 1989), shows how this “brotherhood” built in a fraternity does everything in their power to be safeguarded from negative criticism. Not only will these men keep each other’s secrets, but they also commend and encourage these actions. Said by a fraternity pledge whom had previously dropped from the fraternity, “Those guys are sick. They like seeing you suffer” (Hummer,1989), shows how these men in fraternities treat these woman, and even their own

It is not clear if on-field violent behavior leads to off-field violence. It would be somewhat logical to assume that people who become accustomed to using physical intimidation and violence in sport naturally revert to those behaviors when facing conflict outside of sport. However, sport may not be the cause of violence, but rather a result of the athletes’ upbringing or natural disposition, which led them to choose a violent sport to begin with. Drug and alcohol use should also be noted, since they and not sport may be the cause of violence. Alcohol consumption and binge drinking add to the problem of

To understand what the public believes on violence in sports, a survey was conducted among American youths ages 13 to 17 in October of 2000. The Gallup Youth Survey showed that 63 percent of teens said there was too much violence in hockey. In comparison, 41 percent said football was too violent, 25 percent said basketball was too violent, and 17 percent said baseball was too violent. One question that remains though is how does one qualify violence. A study completed in December 2000 by the American Alliance for Health, Physical Education, Recreation, and Research tried to do just that. According to the test analysis, 1.69 "acts of aggression" occurred in hockey for every aggressive act in basketball, the only other sport in the study (Grant).

University of Tennessee Knoxville was recently involved in a lawsuit for enabling athletes to sexually assault women by silencing the victims and failing to provide disciplinary actions or even investigation onto the accused. While this is a recent case, this is not the first time this sort of behavior involving a school has been brought into light. One in four women will be sexually assaulted by the end of their undergraduate career (Posluszny). Sexual assault happens throughout society no matter what the gender or age, seeming to be in increasing epidemic over the last few years. While the idea of sexual assault is largely met with public hostility in theory, actions often contradict this. This contradiction lies heavily in a culture that is unwelcoming to the victims and often leads to the perpetrators being tolerated. The existence of rape culture in western society occurs due to the preservation of violent media, patriarchal standards, and the state of the criminal justice system. This culture cannot be improved until we confront each of these problems to their roots.

Sexual assault, abuse, and rape by athletes is a devastating crime.  These crimes by themselves are horrendous, but when committed by athletes there are many different factors involved.  Through extensive research this paper will show contributing factors that may result in assault, abuse, or rape by athletes.  Special treatment for athletes throughout their career, belief in sexual male dominance, and the role of alcohol are all important factors.  Other crucial factors are the attitudes and responses of: society, juries, victims, coaches, and athletes.  This paper will explore all these issues and show that changes need to be made in all the areas to combat the growing percentages of sport assault, abuse, and rape against women.

Football is the athletic roots of the United States of America’s pastime. It’s part of the culture and history of this nation. It helped shape the way Americans watch sports today. But in today’s world the game has changed. It is changing this nation, and these players, both on and off the field. Concussions, on the field, have become a major commodity, and it raises the question of if it is really worth the risks of what can become of head injuries. Off of the field, there is also an up and coming problem and the NFL is taking a lot of heat for it. Domestic abuse cases are popping up left and right, involving NFL players. Maybe these cases are a coincidence, but maybe there is a relationship between the sport and

Abstract: Sexual Violence is more prevalent at college campuses compared to other crimes. According to RAINN, the nations largest anti- sexual violence organization, “11.2% of all students experience rape or sexual assault through physical force, violence, or incapacitation (among all graduate and undergraduate students)” (“Campus sexual violence,” n.d.). Most recently, the case of Brock Allen Turner has made headlines nation wide. Brock Turner, a former Stanford University swimmer was charged of sexually assaulting an unconscious woman.

Colleges and universities often do not execute strict punishments when it comes to sexual assault on campus. The police, prosecutors, defense attorneys, judges, and juries do not always view date rape as a serious offense (Neumann). Until government officials consider rape a significant violation when compared to other major crimes, colleges and universities will not establish sterner punishments for rapists. Colleges and universities also tend to diminish their punishments for the “star” athletes at the school. One study concluded that while athletes constitute 3.3% of the college population, they perpetrate 19% of all sexual assaults on campus (Ajo). Although male athletes commit multiple sexual assault crimes on campus, they are punished leniently. Researchers contend that when sexual assault crimes are committed by athletes, society fails to label the act a crime and does not impose harsh sanctions (Ajo). In fact, many boosters come to the defense of the team they so love (Ajo). In order to discourage college students from committing sexual assault crimes, harsher punishments need to be set in place. If the consequences for students’ actions intensified, the number of sexual assault cases executed on college campuses would decrease. Rape needs to be considered a serious offense in order for victims of sexual assault cases to attain

As stated by an article from Bettercolleges.com, sexual assault can also involve forcing someone into non-consensual sexual acts by means of manipulation, any form of coercion, or psychological force. Sexual violence is more prevalent on college campuses compared to other crimes. In fact, according to Rainn.org college women are twice as likely to be sexually assaulted as they are to be robbed. The sad reality is that these victim’s voices are often never heard: only 5 percent of female student victims between the ages of 18 and 24 ever report to law enforcement because of factors such as distrust of authorities and fear of blame (“Campus Sexual Violence: Statistics”). In regard to male victims, they oftentimes face different types of stigma branching from issues such as stereotypes about hyper masculinity, sexual desire, and what it means to “be a man” in society, preventing them from reporting unwanted sexual activity (“Realities of Sexual Assault on Campus”). In the cases of both men and women, these assaults are often enhanced by the increased presence of alcohol and drugs on campuses. For instance, one study found that 15 percent of young women experienced incapacitated rape during their first year of college, meaning that when were raped when they could not give consent because they did not know what was happening (“Sexual Assault on College Campuses”). Peer pressure to participate in these types of social activities puts victims in a more vulnerable position for sexual assault. This environment in which rape is prevalent and in which sexual violence against women is normalized and excused by leaders within the school system is known as rape

Violence against women has been ever-present throughout time and place in our world and in recorded history. Although violence against women encompasses a whole range of related acts, rape and sexual assault perpetrated against women is the focus of this paper. Men and boys are also victims of sexual assault, but the numbers of women who are sexual assaulted are much higher. We will be examining the definition of rape, the effects of rape, issues associated with rape, theories about the cause of rape and engage in some speculation on what can be done to improve the safety of women.

A fair share of qualitative and quantitative research was conducted in an attempt to adequately address the specific questions that were being asked. All of the research we reviewed used primary data and chose not to utilize secondary data to conduct their experiments, however, several of the studies references secondary data sources when speaking of historical backgrounds of rape and in their discussions. The methods our group has chosen to pay particular interest to are those that were used to gather data from participants at college campuses, as this is the population we wish to further explore. Due to women of college age being at an increased risk for sexual violence, several of the studies we found pursued out this population as well. A study conducted at James Madison University gathered their findings from a participant pool at their university using the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, the Modern and Old-Fashion Sexism Scale, and rape scenarios and questions in which they evaluating participants identification with either the victim or the assailant (12p.242) This study was not alone in using the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale as measure. In fact, of the research reviewed seven other studies utilized the scale in addition to the research done at

Recently while reading Rolling Stone and looking for an article for this paper, and came across an article called “A Rape on Campus: A Brutal Assault and Struggle for Justice at UVA.” In summary, a freshman at the University of Virginia was at a frat party and her date was a member of that certain frat. She chose against drinking which is uncommon in most rape cases that occur on campuses. He later asks her to join him upstairs, and being an innocent naïve girl she decided to follow him. As soon as she entered the dark room and he did not turn on the lights she knew that something was wrong. Soon after she heard many different voices in the room and after seven different frat boys did horrid things to her she understood that this was something that some of these boys were doing this as an initiation into that frat. Of course, her friends who were so-called ‘loyal’ to their college urged her to keep quiet for fear that “she may never be allowed in a frat again” or “put a bad light on the university.” Furthermore, the UVA is under a federal investigation to try to determine if there have been other cases of rape that may have been ‘swept under the rug.’ In this essay I want to investigate the psychology of rape and the rapist, why it happens largely in college campuses and specifically fraternities, and also to understand the “rape culture.”

Sexual assault on college campuses is a subject that comes up commonly in media today, usually due to the fact that these assaults happen on a regular basis. About one in four women and one in seven men are victims of some form of sexual violence during their college experience (Abooali). In most occurances when speaking about sexual assault on campus, people are talking about what the main cause of these cases of sexual assault could be, and if there is any way to prevent it from happening. There are many factors that play into these sexual assaults such as alcohol consumption, peer pressure, society's normalization of these assaults, and party culture.

Within the non-fictitious text of the documentary film The Hunting Ground, viewers witness an exploration of the issues, discourses, and institutional responses –or lack thereof- surrounding on-campus rape in American college and universities. Indeed, a large portion of the filmic text dedicates itself to exploring the overrepresentation of university athletes in perpetuating crimes of rape, sexual violence, and sexual assault against female students. Furthermore, the film seeks to delineate the ways via which university athletes are accorded an equal disproportionate level of leigh way when it comes to institutional responses, and public discourse surrounding crimes of rape and sexual violence. These discourses and institutional non-responses will serve as the starting point for this essay, Indeed, whilst most cases of rape -regardless of the perpetrator’s profession- still largely end in victim-blaming, cases of rape and sexual violence where the perpetrator is a professional and/or a university athlete produce a very nuanced and complex set of discourses. This paper will explore how these discourses, in and of themselves, are generated in a manner that circumscribe experiences of embodied masculinized athletic subjectivity vis-à-vis the rejection, perpetration, and penetration of that which is feminine or feminized.