I have been for the most part skeptical about whether Louis Althusser’s essay on state apparatuses accomplishes anything not previously explained in more humanistic and less functionalist terms by Antonio Gramsci. Indeed, although there appears to be a clear divergence between the two insofar as Gramsci associates ideological work with civil society whereas Althusser locates it in the state, even this distinction is not as stark in light of certain passages in Selections from the Prison Notebooks. Gramsci’s historically specific analysis of domination through hegemony simply seemed to me to constitute a social theory that better accounts for contingency, agency, and change. After further reflection, however, it also clear to me that we can improve upon it by incorporating Althusser’s useful references to materiality and production.
Before explaining Althusser’s contribution to theories of ideology and the state, it is necessary to review Gramsci’s own writings on the topic, particularly since his definition of the state and its functions varies a great deal within his fragmented notes from 1929-1936. The particular conception with which Gramsci is perhaps most associated is found in “State and Civil Society”—the dichotomous title of which is highly suggestive—in which he describes the state as “the coercive and punitive force of juridical regulation of a country.” It was Gramsci’s attention to ideological struggles in the voluntary associations and private institutions of
Margot Canaday is an associate professor of history at the University of Princeton, who studies legal and political history, in addition to gender and sexuality. She has a book titled, “The Straight State: Sexuality and Citizenship in Twentieth-Century America” and multiple published articles. The article, “Building a Straight State: Sexuality and Social Citizenship under the 1944 G.I. Bill,” relates to Canaday’s other work by examining views on homosexuality following WWII. She argues that the G.I. Bill excluded many veterans from receiving benefits, but provided them to those with male and heterosexual privilege, indicating that women were inferior to men and ignoring that homosexuals had fought for their country (956-957). I think Canaday’s
Now, with the Italian fascist state crumbling around him, and without a direct charge from Mussolini, Gentile, who had been among those competing for Mussolini's favor in earlier periods of fascism, created the last Italian fascist theory. And that was more philosophical than the earlier attempts at creating an ideology were. Gentile's theory had its descriptive moments, but, in the large, he offered a wholly philosophical oversight into pure fascism. It had little in the way of a call to arms.
Cultural theorists therefore focus their studies on ‘group level processes’ (ibid) when conducting research. However, as highlighted by survey researchers Almond and Verba, by identifying cultural variables, it is almost inevitable that analysts will engage in generalised comparative study. Synthesis can be found between cultural analysis and less rigid forms of structural institutionalism. Political theorist Antonio Gramsci pointed out that coherence between these two schools of thought can be found when considering the fact that whilst, according to Marxist teachings, capitalist societies are based on underlying structural conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the manifestation of such conflict is dependent on the cultural circumstances of the country concerned. Similarly to culturalists, structuralists adopt a form of methodological holism. Structuralists task themselves with identifying the underlying dynamics that govern social systems as a whole, and upon doing so are able to embark on comparison between larger groups of countries governed by similar systems; they are unconcerned by ‘the ‘micro-details’ of the political process’ (Bara and Pennington, 1997: 26). It is therefore said that a structuralist approach appertains to ‘the relationships - both static and dynamic - among individuals, collectivities, institutions, or organisations’ (Lichbach, 1997: 247).
These institutions and social relationship structures, to remain, put in place hierarchies of power, which evolves with a stint of inequality. As systematic means of maintaining order in such society may necessitate the need for control via force or putting in place an ideology. Thus controlling the way the specific society sees the world and current social relationships appearing natural, normative and inevitable.
In the introduction to his book, The Sublime Object of Ideology, Slavoj Zizek acquaints readers with his book’s tripartite aim. He plans, among other things, to illustrate concepts fundamental to Lacanian psychoanalysis – an intention which will serve to further his more ambitious goal “to reactualize Hegelian dialectics by giving it a new reading” in the light of Lacanian psychoanalysis – and “to contribute to the theory of ideology via a new reading of some well-known classical motifs” (7). In this broad category of classical motifs associated with the theory of ideology, I have isolated both fetishism and the commodity-form and intend to briefly illustrate some of these concepts against
When looking into the ideas of political theorists it is important to the use of political concepts that may play an important role in what the theorists are suggesting and also how they may affect the relationship between to state and the individuals living within a state. The concepts that will be looked at within this essay are: power, authority and also accountability.
The essay States, by Edward Said, describes the trouble for Palestinians to find their identity due to the loss of their homeland. He also describes the situation of the Palestinians and the isolation that they feel through photographs that he had taken. Said has many different pictures throughout this essay and each of them play a part in supporting the main point of this essay. Said believes that, without a homeland, the Palestinians cannot have an identity and the Palestinians should not be content with being exiles forever. So the purpose of the pictures is to support and further strengthen this idea. The photographer wants the viewer to understand the struggle that the Palestinians are going through.
Wolff (1970) defines a state as a group of persons who have the right to exercise supreme authority within a territory, over a population. He proposes In the Defense of Anarchism, men are autonomous, as higher degrees of autonomy is achieved, a man will resist the claim that states have authority over him. This illustrates the puzzle of Political obligation and can be explained through the appeal to consent.
Benito Mussolini outlines several essential characteristics of his preferred political ideology, Fascism, in what has become known as the Doctrine of Fascism. In this paper, Mussolini outlines his vision of the ideology, and explains the major issues that Fascism will address once it becomes the leading political system in Italy. Mussolini’s major points as outlined in the Doctrine included an extreme emphasis on nationalism, organization and modernization of the state, persistent focus on religion, life as a struggle, and the notion that individuals exist only for the improvement of society as a whole. Wolfgang Schieder, after reviewing the Doctrine of Fascism, explains Mussolini’s success based on it and
Charles Tilly’s article “War Making and State Making as Organized Crime” creates an analogy between the creation of European states and acting out an organized crime. Earlier in our course, we learned about Max Weber, who defined a state as “a human community that successfully claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory.” Tilly argues that the word “protection” in relation to physical force has positive and negative connotations, leading to illegitimate use of power during the period time that Tilly is discussing. Tilly’s analysis eventually tells the reader that war is always a major part of state politics; specifically that war making and state making are interdependent.
Edward Said “States” refutes the view Western journalists, writers, and scholars have created in order to represent Eastern cultures as mysterious, dangerous, unchanging, and inferior. According to Said, who was born in Jerusalem at that time Palestine, the way westerners represent eastern people impacts the way they interact with the global community. All of this adds to, Palestinians having to endure unfair challenges such as eviction, misrepresentation, and marginalization that have forced them to spread allover the world. By narrating the story of his country Palestine, and his fellow countrymen from their own perspective Said is able to humanize Palestinians to the reader. “States” makes the reader feel the importance of having a
In this document, Mazzini largely focuses on how the ideas circulated after the French Revolution regarding the rights of man have corrupted the true nature of a nation by creating a culture of greed and egoism. While he openly discourages the erasure and pursuit of these rights, he is quick to point out that individuals’ egoism and each nation’s separation of class “… has grown and grows worse in nearly every country, and especially where I write the price of the necessaries of life has gone on continually rising, the wages of the working-man in many branches of industry falling and the population multiplying” (87). He argues here that allowing any nation to be solely characterized by the rights of its citizens causes a nation to define itself based on the millions of individuals, dividing any community or society—which he believes is the backbone of the nation. In Mazzini’s view, the solution to this is by fostering a national culture of duty to one another. When he asks, “What is Society but a collection of men who have agreed to bring the strength of the many in support of the rights of each?” the audience is forced to question their own personal hierarchy between rights and duties; for what is a nation if there is no work or duty in achieving and maintaining the rights of every man within the nation (89)?
For centuries many significant people had huge impacts on society and how they should be managed. Antonio Gramsci had a unique way of thinking that had a specific manner to determine what is necessary for a successful revolution during the industrialization era. He had ideas and questions about how the ones in power sustain their control. The Islamic State is a self proclaimed modern government on the rise and their views on laws and military authority has spread tremendously. Gramsci’s concept has great similarities to how the Islamic State has been able to expand and maintain their power. Gramsci’s beliefs are used as a symbolic justification for a post war strategy on modern society and The Islamic State seems to follow Gramsci’s concepts and theories.
In realist theory, states are self-interested in that their own ‘relative gains’ are favoured over ‘absolute gains’ (i.e. gains for the entire society of states). This raises questions of motive and the potential for abuse in
These documents, at the same time, take back the sociopolitical thought that had been developped in a long tradition, and whose most striking stages are: the supreme value of reason as basis for any sociopolitical relation such as we discover at the Greek Polis and such as it is presented by the great thinkers Plato and Aristotle; the intrinsic value of human person, son of the same Christian God, and capable, because of his freedom, either of salvation or of condemnation, as it was understood by the main thinkers in the Middle Ages; the human Individual, considered as a juridical subject, capable of making contracts and assuming rights and duties and, therefore, as the last foundation of any sociopolitical organization, as he was thought by the liberal tradition embodied by Hobbes, Locke and the Encyclopedists. The concrete praxis of these theoretical principles in democratic societies and nations where the Individuals are the cause and the end of this sociopolitical order such as we find in Great Britain, Switzerland, Holland, USA, France, Sweeden, Norwegen, Canada and many other nations throughout the five continents.