Stuyvesant Town Case

There has been a tremendous change in East Harlem between class warfare and gentrification. East Harlem is one more economic factor to the city’s wealth per capita since the attack of September 11, 2000. It is Manhattan’s last remaining development and it is on the agenda of the tax revenue of our government. East Harlem has become a profit driven capitalism. Gentrification enforces capitalism, it does not separate people, it does not go against race, poor and the working class, it wages war on the poor and the working-class.

Chicago’s Cabrini-Green public housing project is notorious in the United States for being the most impoverished and crime-ridden public housing development ever established. Originally established as inexpensive housing in the 1940’s, it soon became a vast complex of unsightly concrete low and high-rise apartment structures. Originally touted as a giant step forward in the development of public housing, it quickly changed from a racially and economically diverse housing complex to a predominantly black, extremely poor ghetto. As it was left to rot, so to speak, Cabrini-Green harbored drug dealers, gangs and prostitution. It continued its downward spiral of despair until the mid 1990’s when the Federal Government assumed control the

The New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) is the “largest public housing authority in the nation” (Developments, 2015). In existence since 1934 (About NYCHA: NYCHA at 70, 2015), NYCHA is a low to moderate income public housing initiative consisting of 328 developments throughout all five boroughs of New York City. More than 400,000 residents benefit from these developments through the receipt of not only apartments but additional services provided by each development and New York City overall. Over recent years the NYCHA developments have been experiencing a reduction in government funding, forcing the organization to re-evaluate strategies addressing maintenance of old buildings (About NYCHA, 2015).

During the past few years, gentrification has been on an uprise.“Nearly 20 percent of neighborhoods with lower incomes and home values have experienced gentrification since 2000, compared to only 9 percent during the 1990s.” Gentrification is happening in areas that supposedly need a change, such as the low-income neighborhoods in New York City, Minneapolis, Seattle and Washington, D.C.Factors such as uniqueness, accessibility, the energy of the neighborhood and reasonably priced homes attract gentrifiers. It has altered many cities in the country. Gentrification can be defined as the procedure of reestablishment and remaking due to the flood of prosperous individuals into falling apart and low-income areas that frequently displaces poorer

The chapter of this book takes us on a tour of our government and housing policies through the twentieth century and how they affected our lives. The first time the American government started intervening with housing was in 1918 when Congress gave 110 million for two programs for housing war workers. Some people, like Senator William Calder of New York, felt that the government was not made to build houses and saw early housing acts like these as opposite to what the government should be doing with it 's power. Despite these feelings

The neighborhood of Williamsburg, Brooklyn is one of the best-known cases of recent gentrification. Prior to the gentrification taking place, Williamsburg was known for being a warehouse district that also doubled as an enclave for Hispanic and Hasidic Jews (Our Brooklyn: Williamsburg, Brooklyn Public Library). However, in 2005, zone changes were approved that allowed for more housing to be created in Williamsburg and made it so that only light manufacturing could take place in Williamsburg (Curran, 2004). and explores the challenges that gentrification has presented the neighborhood’s longtime residents. While one of the goals of the change in zoning was to create more affordable housing options in Brooklyn, the opposite has occurred.

In 1938, New York City built its first high-rise public housing development in the community of Red Hook, which consisted of 27 building that contained over 2,500 apartments. In the late 1950’s the citizens of Red Hook saw many of its jobs going to the ports of New Jersey and to more convenient areas of New York City, the Red Hook community saw its population fall nearly half in less than forty years. By the 1990 Census, the population had become predominantly Black and Hispanic, with over 70 percent of the community residing in the housing projects.

The authors, researcher at the Columbia and Rutgers University, explores the gentrification of Harlem as it has started taking effects on the indigenous residents. The causes of gentrification ranging from changing of lifestyles, participation of women in white collar sectors to rent gap conditions of housing stock,where potential value is perceived to be greater, explain how Harlem is gradually losing to the power of almighty dollars. The authors indicate that decline in housing quality due to tenant abuse, domestic violence and tax delinquency left Harlem in situation where intervention of outsiders was necessary. However, the outside influence and private investments gradually taking a significant tolls on the long term Harlem residents,

Coney Island is a peninsular residential neighborhood in the southwestern part of the borough of Brooklyn, New York City. It is about 4 miles long and 0.5 miles wide. It is a home for 22,764 people. Coney Island is also a very diverse neighborhood. According to city-data, 51.2% of residents were White, 29.3% were Black, 18% were Hispanic or Latino, and 3.8% were Asian. The term “gentrification” was first coined in 1964 by Ruth Glass. Glass observed; "One by one, many of the working class quarters have been invaded by the middle class - upper and lower ... Once this process of 'gentrification ' starts in a district it goes on rapidly until all or most of the working class occupiers are displaced and the whole social social character of the district is changed" (Glass, 1964, p.xvii). Since then, many places started getting gentrified. Because of this, thousands of poor working class people lost their home. As an icon of New York City, there are definitely that the state government want to gentrify Coney Island in order to attract more investors to come start their business in here. However, even though local residents who have been lived in Coney Island for many years think gentrification is a good thing, but at the same time they are trying to save

Although a rapid phenomenon, the process of gentrification initially starts at a slow pace. According to Biro (2007), “When low income houses are renovated they reach a higher quality and therefore are marketable to buyers who can afford to pay a premium for homes with better quality characteristics.”(p. 42) The individuals who cannot cope with the gentrification process due to

With the impact and push from 1949 Housing Act, the Pruitt-Igoe housing development in St. Louis, Missouri and other high-rise public housing of 50s and 60s became the pioneers of urban renewal movement, and most of them have long recognized as a prototype for the failure of public housing and constantly for well-intentioned governmental policies in general. This essay will look back beyond the impression of the collapse, focusing on exploring the temporal, social, economic and legislative issues, which led to the failure and final death of the public housing.

SOUTH CHARLESTON, W.Va. - U.S. Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., addressed two packed town halls Thursday, with topics ranging from the future of health care to the coal industry.

The utilization of the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit or LIHTC has had an overall positive effect on housing for low-income families in the United States. Four key outcomes of the LIHTC are: First, there is less likelihood of segregation within the tax-credit housing than in the government provided section 8 and government-subsidized voucher programs (Schwartz, p. 115). Second, the purpose of the program, which was to subsidize mixed income housing to low and working class families, is provisionally being met (Khadduri, Buron, & Lam, p. 10). Third, through decentralization of the implementation of the LIHTC program the federal government allowed the state governments more latitude in the dissemination of the tax credits to appropriate developers (Furman Center, p. 2). Finally, there is a correlation between the areas where LIHTC housing properties are developed in the impact on the sounding region. This correlation is both positive and negative in nature, but heavily is judged on the region that the LIHTC is built in and as to whether it is in an urban center, suburb, or in the metro areas (Deng, pp. 46-48). These four outcomes will guide the body of this paper about the overarching theme of LIHTC as a policy tool as opposed to section 8 housing or government provided housing.

First, I will refer to Penn Central Transportation Company v. City of New York, 438 U.S. 104, 98 S.Ct. 2646 (1978), a landmark case in the field of historic preservation. In Penn Central, the main issue addressed by the Court was whether individual property rights or the City’s local historic preservation ordinances should prevail when it comes to a property assigned landmark status. The root of the case was the fact that the Landmarks Commission of New York City had denied the transportation company’s request to build a 55-story addition to the Grand Central Terminal. In response, Penn Central claimed a “taking” had occurred for not being able to develop their property in the way they had intended to do so (Tyler, Ligibel, & Tyler, 2009, p. 123). In his opinion, Justice Brennan stated:

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