Sue Kerr, Author Of “When White Women Magazines Disregard

Doetsch-Kidder’s (2016) monograph defines the important role of intersectionality as a defining sea-change in the way that women of color began to unify across racial and cultural barriers. Interviews with minority activists define the perception of the diversification of feminist ideology through the lens of intersectionality. One interview with a African-American activist named Donna illustrates the unity between women of color that evolved in the 1970s: “But overall, we are all fighting for civil rights, so there has to be some type of overlap with each one” (Doetsch-Kidder, 2016, p.103). This development defines the “overlapping’ ideology of different feminist groups, which soon began to devolve the racial and cultural barriers not only between women of color, but also with white feminist groups. In Doetsch-Kidder’s (2016) point of view, the civil rights movement laid the foundation for intersectional feminist principles to be practiced for women seeking greater representation in the workplace.

Whiteness and racism comes from the oppression, colonization and systems of dominance over black people and their feelings. In this case, an intersectional feminist analysis matters because women who are able bodied, cis-gendered, privileged and white are only being considered whereas bell hooks argue that men, women and trans people who oppressed should be fought for. And Peggy McIntosh adds onto this but a white woman who addresses and recognizes her privilege to help other white individuals understand what they have and blacks do not.

This week, the readings touched on issues relating to resistance and social change. Martinez explains how the U.S. has struggled to see issues of race beyond just Black and white. She also stresses the importance of including other races when speaking on these issues. Hernandez argues that the mainstream feminist movement fails to include minority and low-income women and the issues they face. She states that the movement only benefits white middle class women. Collins explains how people’s ideas and behaviors actualize other people’s inequalities. She says comparing levels of oppression is a competition for attention and instead we should use a new mentality that interlocks these inequalities. Harris

Hall 's importance on the anti-racist character of the Southern women 's anti-lynching campaign is seriously misleading. Although Hall reports the racism of white women leaders of various anti-lynching initiatives toward black women collaborators, “But the notion of “racial integrity which white woman asserted as a fundamental goal, functioned for blacks as a code word for segregation.” (100). she does not deliver a continuous examination of the contradictory, often mutually aggressive impulses these leaders displayed. However, in all fairness, Hall does report that within the white women 's movement; "spontaneity gave way to a reassertion of traditional hierarchies and assumptions…" (95). Ironically, during this influential period of women 's consciousness, the plight of black men provided a central opportunity for white women to participate in the forbidden arena of public talk about race and sex.

Throughout the semester, we have looked at the long history of non-natives playing Indian and white people performing Indian identity for their own benefit. This is evident in Deloria’s discussion of Morgan and his followers dressing up in Indian costumes, and Barbour’s discussion of Marvel appropriating Indianness to emphasize the heroic masculinity of Captain America. I decided I wanted to learn more about pow wows because they are a performance by natives and for natives to celebrate their culture and customs. Pow wows are a time when Native identity and culture can truly be celebrated and not be tinged with misrepresentation or appropriation. In order to do this, I examined a 1995 documentary called Wacipi – Pow Wow. I thought that the

The book, Undivided Rights: Women of Color Organize for Reproductive Justice, was published by the South End Press and written by Marlene Gerber Fried, Loretta Ross, and Elena Gutierrez. Ultimately, due to the lack of inclusivity and representation during the mainstream reproductive movement in the 20th century, this book highlights the bravery and activism done by women of color and their grassroots organizations in order to combat racism and stereotypes as well as to broaden and redefine the meaning of reproductive rights and reproductive justice, so as to ensure that all women, not just middle class white women, had their voices heard and addressed. With a thorough look at the various grassroots organizations as well as the various women of color behind them, I believe this book does an exceptional job at not only analyzing the historical contexts, but also analyzing the grassroots

The historic march on Washington was a call of humanity to the world. It was a turning point in the American history after the abolishing of slavery. African American women struggled for justice and equality to be given to all mankind but, unfortunately, women were forgotten. They were stripped of all their rights, when men got all the benefit. African American men, who supposed to be their nature supporters and protectors, also turned their back at them. Women found themselves all alone facing the society constraints that were hemmed upon them. Despite the significant contribution women made toward the struggle for equal right, they had no representation in most of the March activities and their issues were not addressed. They were concerned that they would not get their fair share benefits from the struggle.

The difference between white feminism and black feminidm is clear. White feminism hurtss black women in ways you would have never thought. Feminism in general Has Not Passed Any Laws That Have Directly Or Indirectly Helped Black Women The majority of the opportunities, rights and benefits black women appreciate today such as governmental policy regarding minorities in society "twofers", expanded open security , access to conception prevention and fetus removal since it hasbeen ade clear that black women get the most premature births among American women when all is said in done, decreased social shame for being young moms , access to school instructions, and so on, have originate from white women's activists. Roe v. Wade, the Sexual Revolution, Norma Rae, the greater part of that happened from white women's activists. Black women haven't had an immediate hand in making any laws, campaigning for the same, or notwithstanding raising any essential issues that would specifically

African American women have a long history of being political activists. African American foremothers, such as: Frances E.W. Harper, Maria Stewart, Sarah Mapps Douglass, Sarah Parker Remond, Harriet Jacobs, Mary Ann Shadd Cary, and Ida B. Wells were fighting for racial, social, and gender equality since slavery and the Emancipation Proclamation. Whether it is in print culture or in public culture African American women have continuously protested the treatment of African Americans and women in America. Yet, the presence of women (especially African American women) was not welcomed in America’s public domain. In fact, it deviated from acceptable gender roles. Women on the public stage receiving spotlight for their resistance against

They argued that the initial feminist ideologies merely fought to give white women equal opportunities with white men. Therefore, the misrepresentation of the minority women ignited anger as they felt white women will oppress the minority once they become equal to their counterpart. They changed their organization target from only black women to third world women. This was done to unify and reflect awareness to the organization. They attracted welfare mothers, community workers, and campus radicals (Third World Women’s Alliance,132). Moreover, the issues they challenged included family gender roles and racism. The members of the Third World Women’s Alliance worked towards eliminating the stereotype that the black communities are run by the female gender. This myth caused others outside of the organization to believe inequality wasn’t a concern in black communities.

In this journal entry Dr.Sarah Jackson, social movements professor at Northeastern University, reports her interview with Cathy J. Cohen an African American author, feminist, and social activist. Cohen’s answers are highlighted and observed because they help build a conclusion to the questions about the role of gender in BLM. This interview is only months old and can speak to a new generation of females who feel their stories don’t matter and can’t be heard. In the interview Cohen expresses different subjects that concern African American feminist in the racial struggles for equality. The main argument of the interview is that BLM is a growing movement and that it will address issues of gender- particularly violence against Black women while having women activist at the center of BLM strategies and tactics.

In the article, she references a photograph taken of Angela Peoples, a black protester at the march. In the photo, Ms. Peoples is seen holding a sign that says “Don’t Forget: White Women Voted for Trump.” Behind her are three white women wearing their pink matching hats representing female pride. This photo was highly circulated among black women and one was even quoted as saying “I’ll see you nice white ladies at the next #BLACKLIVESMATTER march, right?” This does not sound like women supporting women to me. This sounds like racial divide and racial tension among the group protesting just such a thing. Black women were reminded of the suffrage movement, when they had to fight for the right to vote. And then there is Rosa Parks, the infamous black lady who refused to give up her seat on the bus at the time of racial segregation. Ms. Parks is an icon in the black community and in our nation. Her bravery and strong will made changes in laws and reformed many ways of thinking for the country. But Rosa did not do this by rallying her friends together with tacky signs and costumes. She chose a more respectable route. She stood up for herself. She held her ground when she was being unjustly treated. And she prevailed. It was not an easy task for her but not once did she give up her dignity as a woman to stand up for her right as a black American woman.

In an attempt to define Black Feminism, Collins clarifies that it must “avoid the idealist position that ideas can be evaluated in isolation from the groups that create them (Collins 385).” This clarification forms her basis for why Black Feminism is necessary, and who it serves. Thinking about feminism historically, the concerns of black women were pushed aside in favor of fighting sexism; a notable example occurs within the Suffrage movement, where votes for white women were prioritized over women of color in order to push such legislation through. And even when feminism began looking at other social injustices, such as racism and class issues, often only prominent feminists were invited to the discussion. What resulted was, and often continues to be, a problem of white women speaking for oppressed people. It’s impossible, Collins argues, to have Black Feminist thought without examining the experiences and positions of African American women. Therefore, Black Feminism must be a movement that “encompasses theoretical interpretations of Black women’s reality by those who live in it (Collins 386).” However, such a definition brings about many questions:

In an attempt to define Black Feminism, Collins clarifies that it must “avoid the idealist position that ideas can be evaluated in isolation from the groups that create them (Collins 385).” In reality, this forms her basis for why Black Feminism is necessary, and who it serves. Thinking about feminism historically, the concerns of black women were pushed aside in favor of fighting sexism, most notably during the Suffrage movement. And even when feminism began looking at other social injustices, such as racism and class issues, only prominent feminists were invited to the discussion. What resulted was, and often continues to be, a problem of white women speaking for oppressed people. It’s impossible, Collins argues, to have Black Feminist thought without examining the experiences and positions of African American women. Therefore, Black Feminism must be a movement that “encompasses theoretical interpretations of Black women’s reality by those who live in it (Collins 386).” However, such a definition brings about many questions: who’s experiences are valued, how do black women take their voice back, and how can they center feminist thinking on their own unique standpoint?

Women have won the right to do as much as men do. Although feminist activists have fought for women's legal rights such as rights of contract, property rights, and voting rights while also promoting women's rights to bodily integrity and autonomy, abortion rights, and reproductive rights. They have struggled to protect women and girls from domestic violence, sexual harassment, and rape. In the article “ Through the Lens of Race: Black and White women’s perceptions of womanhood” discussed how both, black and white women experience of sexual harassment in the community, concerns about their safety and fears of rape as woman are being approached or groped by strangers. Also black and white women have similar experiences of