Summary Of Democracy Abroad, Lynching At Home

Here, Wells recounts the way that racism seizes the American dream, seizes any conception of a meritocracy, and instead punishes any African American regardless of their success. Furthermore, Wells extends this threat on the American dream to a threat on the constitution (specifically the 14th amendment), stating, “It should be already established as a fact . . . that every human being must have a fair trial for his life and liberty” (202). Again, Wells demonstrates the way that lynch law and racism supersedes the supreme law of the United States, thus threatening the very foundation of American life and

 The Lynching n.d., Genius, accessed 24 August 2015, .

In the year 1898 in the town of Wilmington, North Carolina a riot occurred between the African American inhabitants and the white minority of the city. Several historians accuse the origin of the riot on racism and white supremacy. Although these two beliefs have been around for countless years, and African Americans received the right to vote almost thirty years’ prior, no demonstration nor aggressive threats, to the point in which was seen in 1898, had occurred in Wilmington until that year. The Wilmington Race Riot was the reaction of the “sociopolitical conditions” that were being applied by the Democratic Party to win the election through a sequence of diabolical campaign tactics just like creating partial accusations about the “negroes” of the town thus, creating unconstitutional practices, and threatening their existence.

In her speech, Ida B. Wells appeals to emotion and logic by using statistics and real-life stories of lynchings. She also counters the apologists’ defense of lynching by using strong language and statistics to disprove the validity of their claims. Finally, Wells offers a solution on how to end lynching and ensures that crimes will still be punished, even if lynching subsides. Despite the criticism of Wells and many other authors and activists, lynching persisted in the United States for a substantial period of time. Lynchings were so frequent in Southern states that Montgomery, Alabama, has plans to build a lynching memorial to recognize the mistreatment of black citizens and memorialize the victims. However, lynchings then were not the public disgrace they are now considered, and the unjust treatment of black citizens continued even after the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Activists like Wells have continued to identify racism when they see it in hopes to create a more equal society, but many would argue that an equal society still has not been

First, ask yourself how would you feel after hearing the news that one of your family members had been lynched? Throughout the chapters 1-8, we can experience and observe the disheartening history of violence and lies. It is additionally an irritating depiction of a partitioned country on the very edge of the social equality development and an eerie contemplation on race, history, and the battle for truth. Throughout history, the conditions of the lynching, how it affected the legislators of the day, quickened the social equality development and keeps on shadowing the Georgia people group where these homicides occurred. During the 1900s until 19600s various African-Americans experienced various harsh conditions of violence, never being granted the right to vote and being segregated from whites based on their race and skin-color from their white masters. In general racism between whites and blacks can be seen throughout the globe during the era of slavery

Let’s examine the reality of violence during the Reconstruction Era. In the document, “Southern Horrors- Lynch Laws in All its Phases, by Ida B. Wells-Barnett we see countless examples of the continued violence in the south against African-Americans. The slogan “This is white man’s country and the

‘Fire in a canebrake’ is quite a scorcher by Laura Wexler and which focuses on the last mass lynching which occurred in the American Deep South, the one in the heartland of rural Georgia, precisely Walton County, Georgia on 25th July, 1946, less than a year after the Second World War. Wexler narrates the story of the four black sharecroppers who met their end ‘at the hand of person’s unknown’ when an undisclosed number of white men simply shot the blacks to death. The author concentrates on the way the evidence was collected in those eerie post war times and how the FBI was actually involved in the case, but how nothing came of their extensive investigations.

“From Chicago to Tulsa, to Omaha, East St. Louis, and many communities in between, and family to Rosewood, white mobs pursued what can only be described as a reign of terror against African Americans during the period from 1917 to 1923.” (Rosewood Report, 1995, Pg. 3) Lynching had become very common in the United States, although the number of lynching’s had declined from 64 in 1921 to 57 in 1922. Rosewood was known to some as basically a riot, or a war. I believe Rosewood was known to become a war because the African Americans in Rosewood didn’t want the whites to run them out of the only city they were raised in. So the African Americans refused to leave, and fought back. How would you react if someone tried to run you out of your home, or the city you were raised in? Would you leave? Or fight back? Some incidents that occurred in Rosewood report had to do with Fannie Coleman. She was a married woman with three children, who claimed she was raped and beat by a black male while no one was home. According to Fannie Taylor’s version of events, “A black male came on foot to my house that morning and knocked. When I opened the door the black male proceeded to assault me.” (Rosewood Report, 1995, Pg. 5) None of this was true. She was having a affair with a white man, who beat her, so she lied and made a scene to the community to cover her up. Little do she know how this petty lie will cause many African Americans to die.

Recently, an L.A. Times article (dated 2/13/00) reviewed a new book entitled "Without Sanctuary", a collection of photographs from lynchings throughout America. During the course of the article, the author, Benjamin Schwarz, outlined some very interesting and disturbing facts related to this gruesome act of violence: Between 1882 and 1930, more than 3,000 people were lynched in the U.S., with approximately 80% of them taking place in the South. Though most people think only African Americans were victims of lynchings, during those years, about 25% were white. Data indicates that mobs in the West lynched 447 whites and 38 blacks; in the Midwest there were 181 white victims and 79 black; and in the South, people lynched 291

The selected primary source from the 1920s includes the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill of 1922. The tabling of the bill is valuable in understanding the racial conflicts prevalent in the 1920s. The textbook by The Stapleton Collection provides that it was common during the pre-war racial structure for the police to release detained African Americans to mobs to lynch them. Notably, such a treatment of African Americans was the reason behind the Tulsa race riots that took place when armed African Americans sought to rescue their detained compatriot from mob lynching. In an attempt to avoid such lynching, Leonidas C. Dyer tabled the bill in the Congress. The bill marked an important phase in

Between 1880 and 1930, lynching became not only a phenomenon but a way of life in the southern states. Lynching was racially motivated as it targeted mostly blacks. Within this 50 year period, 1000s of blacks and hundreds of whites were killed by lynch mobs within the southern states alone. Lynching was bloody and ruthless and a horrifying way to be executed. In Fitzhugh Brundage’s book, Lynching in the New South Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930, he talks about how lynching peaked and expanded throughout Georgia and compares mob violence between Georgia and Virginia in that time period. Brundage states that “Lynching in the American South during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was but one manifestation of strenuous and bloody campaign by whites to elaborate and impose a racial hierarchy upon people of color throughout the globe” (Brundage 2). Whites used lynching as a means for social and economic control. They did not want blacks to have any power and wanted to keep them oppressed. This book explores the differences in lynch mobs between Georgia and Virginia, and how the whites used lynching as a way to keep economic control in the hands of the whites.

Old South, New South, or Down South?: Florida and the Modern Civil Rights Movement is a book full of many insightful accounts of the history of our so called Sunshine State, Florida meant to expose the dirt that is otherwise brushed under the carpet by our government. It is meant to expose the stories of racial discrimination and violence that went on in Florida beginning in the 1950s and how difficult it has been for African Americans to live a comfortable life. I believe that this book did a good job of offering a lot of information and history while “presenting new visions of Florida’s racial past and encourages new ideas about what civil rights meant to constituencies around the state and possible the nation.” In key Jr’s study he

In her book, Southern Horrors: Women and the Politics of Rape and Lynching, Crystal N. Feimster discusses how race, gender and politics shaped the post-civil war south from reconstruction into the 20th century through the use of historical statistics, narratives and recorded court cases. Through the juxtaposition of Rebecca Latimer Felton and Ida B. Wells, born a generation apart as a plantation mistress and the other into racism, Feimster explores the differences in the treatment of and the reactions to a white woman and an African American woman fighting against rape and for women’s rights. The author, discusses how institutionalized racism, patriarchy and mob violence helped and hurt these women on their quest for equal rights.

Currently in the United States of America, there is a wave a patriotism sweeping across this great land: a feeling of pride in being an American and in being able to call this nation home. The United States is the land of the free and the home of the brave; however, for the African-American citizens of the United States, from the inception of this country to midway through the twentieth century, there was no such thing as freedom, especially in the Deep South. Nowhere is that more evident than in Stories of Scottsboro, an account of the Scottsboro trials of 1931-1937, where nine African-American teenage boys were falsely accused of raping two

In a time in the world where we are seeing increased violence and backlash against government and police control, it is necessary to look at the past and see what led our country to the state it exists in. Many issues such as police brutality, court decisions and riots are due to institutionalized inequalities. Desegregation during the Civil Rights Movement had a false appearance of equality that brought about a complex form of discrimination and resistance in response. Black lives were still being neglected and peaceful protests quickly morphed into militancy based in black nationalism. Malcolm X, a black revolutionary, once said that “Algeria was a police state. Any occupied territory is a police state. Harlem is a police state. The police in Harlem are like an occupying force. The same conditions that forced the noble people of Algeria to resort to terrorist-type tactics…those same conditions prevail in every Negro community in the United States.”Malcolm’s idea that a police state leads to terrorist tactics in negro communities is based in historical evidence of colonialism and segregation and can be reinforced by the arguments of Cabral,Covington, Daulatzai, The Battle of Algiers and the Spook who Sat by the Door. In this paper, I will argue that as Malcolm X stated, negro communities in the United States are subject to internal colonialism, segregation and isolation thus leading to the colonized people of these communities revolting against the police state which