Summary Of The Article 'Black Philly After The Philadelphia Negro'

Although it took almost fifty years after the American Revolutionary War was over, on July 4th and 5th, 1827, African American New Yorkers celebrated the passage of legislation that would finally free them from the bondage of slavery (11). In her book, In the Shadow of Slavery: African Americans in New York City, 1626-1863, Leslie M. Harris’s thesis is that class status was essential in the development of the black community in New York City from the moment they landed on Manhattan Island in 1626 (14). Harris also argued that the issue of slavery and emancipation of blacks in New York was an item that was brought up constantly, but elite white New Yorkers always hesitated on implementing legislation due to their constituent’s reliance on slave labor, their elite racist views of blacks (in general) as inferior (96), and the

Before WWI, most black people had been dehumanized, effectively stripping them of the feeling to vote and were bereft from protection from police. “I am in the darkness of the south and I am trying my best to get out,” an inspirational migrant from Alabama wrote to the Chicago Defender. New opportunities for the urban part of the North blos-somed when the war reared its ugly head. The American industrial economy grew vigorously, and as existing European immigrants and white women were unable to meet demand, northern businesses leaned to black southerners to fill their place. When the word of higher wages and ameliorated working conditions spread around, northern businesses were met with positive feed-back as black men, in significant numbers came flocking, thus sprouting a social movement out of urban misery. The War, unknowingly, set the par for work for African Americans and the North became a liberating meadow for all those who sought equality and wanted to avoid the ‘racist menace’.

A large influx of colored people created many problems. First, there was a major problem in the availability in housing, of which was responded to with racism. This is the root for the hatred between the black and white communities. There wasn’t enough housing in the “black belt” community, so Negroes began to spill into white neighborhoods. The very existence of a colored person in a neighborhood would lower the property values. When a house was sold to a colored person, the rent for the house would be higher than the previous, white owner’s rent. Real Estate companies believed that “it is a matter of common knowledge that house after house…whether under white or black agents, comes to the Negro at an increased rental” (Sandburg 46). They sold housing despite the fact that “the Negro in Chicago, paid a lower wage than the white workman” (47), and that black people would have

Social neglect is one of the causes that are responsible for the deaths in her community. Throughout Ward’s memoir she explains how her community was constantly neglected economically and socially which impacted the citizens. “They gave the violence of New Orleans many names” (4). New Orleans is a symbol for social neglect and represents the process of racism. The city is branded a violent place because of the supposable threats made against White people. All of the blame is automatically put onto black people as they are constantly stereotyped to be responsible for all the problems. All the stereotypes eventually evolve into discrimination as people of color are given unfair advantages, which resulted in racism. The social neglect also affected other individuals socially. “It’s not uncommon for young Black men to drop out here” (26). Social neglect also affected young black men especially since they were never given the hope or

By the 1920’s the amount of African Americans in New York City had more than doubled. Meanwhile the roadways and subway system had just begun to reach Harlem, where some of the most influential Blacks had situated themselves. Soon after, Harlem became known as “The Black Mecca” and also as “The Capital of Black America”.

Gilbert Osofsky’s Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto paints a grim picture of inevitability for the once-exclusive neighborhood of Harlem, New York. Ososfky’s timeframe is set in 1890-1930 and his study is split up into three parts. His analysis is convincing in explaining the social and economic reasons why Harlem became the slum that it is widely infamous for today, but he fails to highlight many of the positive aspects of the enduring neighborhood, and the lack of political analysis in the book is troubling.

Unknown and inexistent to the eyes of the middle and upper class, the deplorable conditions that the poor had been living in remained prevalent throughout the streets of New York City. Unsanitary and overcrowded tenements, massive numbers of children left out on the streets, brothels, and gambling dens (Oxford University Press 640) were just a few of the inhumane and dire aspects of New York City’s underworld that were in need of reform. After the start of the Civil War, New York city received great amounts of African Americans from the South. With the hopes of freedom and equal opportunities for all races in the North, many African Americans jumped at the opportunity to come to cities like New York, but when their expectations came face-to-face with reality, their dreams no longer ceased to exist. When it

In her article “Black Conservatism in America,” Angela K. Lewis delves into the intricacies of black political affiliation and identification. Lewis, an assistant professor of government at the University of Alabama at Birmingham, has done extensive research into the formation and types of black conservatism. She states that the current discussions on black conservatism fail to include any historical information, implying that black conservatism is a newly-formed ideology. Lewis’ research seeks to fill the gaps that currently exist by tracing the development of black conservatism. Specifically, this research aims to trace the levels of black conservatism over the last 25 years and to enumerate the support, if any, of black conservatism in the

Is it a coincidence certain areas only consist of black civilians or white civilians? The articles “The City as a Growth Machine by Logan and Molotch, Minoritized Space by Michel Laguerre and The Construction of the Ghetto by Massey and Denton demonstrate segregation between racial backgrounds are divided into into specific neighborhoods that contributes as a benefit towards whites. I will be arguing how the theory of Karl Marx on estranged labor is related into these article but also Angela Harris theory on Critical racial theory contributes, clarifies and supports the author 's reasons on why segregation still exists among communities. I will be connecting argument by adding evidence to support my argument with Karl Marx and Angela Harris theory within the articles.

The housing crisis in Detroit illuminated the grave economic reality of migrant black families living in the industrial Midwest. In order to holistically analyze the ramifications of the black labor movement, historians must understand the inextricable link between fair housing and the lack of financial capital for generations of black families. The rise of surbanization and red-lining tactics prompted white flight from Detroit’s predominately white neighborhoods, such as Dearborn. “During and after World War II, blacks flooded into Detroit’s Lower East Side: Paradise Valley” (Sugrue 36). Neighborhood deterioration, coupled with disproportionately high-rents and low Home Owners Loan Corporation appraisal scores, led to private-sector discrimination practices by predatory bank loaners and real-estate brokers in the West and East-Sides of Detroit—particularly the Eight-Mile, Paradise Valley, Oakwood, and Sojourner Truth Housing areas (Sugrue 43, 77).

In the empirical article, by Marcus Anthony Hunter “black philly after the philadelphia negro”, Hunter argues that the Seventh Ward underwent an urban and social change that led to political changes, but all of them coming at their own costs. The account of The Seventh Ward severing as, at one point, the “slum” or the “ghetto” of Philadelphia come from research that Da Bois brought to the table in 1899. Being a primarily African-American populated area with limited resources, the Seventh Ward, as a consequence had poor living conditions in some findings, “insufficient water supply and toilet facilities, defective sanitary equipment, overcrowding, leaky roofs..etc.(pp.4 [pdf])”The political view of these conditions lead to reform, in the 1920s,

Since the beginning and founding of our nation, there has always been the issue of race and class within our society. In Washington, A History of Our National City, the author Tom Lewis clearly describes the role of race and segregation throughout the development of Washington DC. Throughout the text Lewis illustrates the experience of African/Black Americans from slavery to living in the capital during the 20th century. While telling the story of Blacks and African Americans, he presents the idea that race and class has heavily shaped DC into the city that we are familiar with today.

In another ethnographic work, Jonathan Rieder specifies on provocative and poignant responses to racial busing by Jews and Italians living in Canarsie. In a similar class discussion, Professor Wilson points out the facts of the elimination of racial barriers helped united and destroy issues in different economic sectors. Interracial unionization eliminate split labor market between blacks and whites where blacks were granted a lower wage and thus forced to depress the wages of Caucasian workers in a competitive labor workforce. With this malfunction of racial conflicts over job opportunities, Wilson argued, racial differences shifted from the sociopolitical sectors to the economic sector, due to access to resources such as prime neighborhoods, housing, and education. Canarsie served a prime example of such shifts in the racial conflict over the politics of education and real estate.

Martin Luther King Jr.’s failed housing campaign and the Bronzeville Project exhibit this disjointedness through black middle class Chicagoans ignoring the socioeconomic class divisions within Bronzeville by using institutionalized racial barriers as a conduit to produce a narrative of collective discriminatory practices faced by all blacks preventing social and financial equity for the race. However, these

[0:00] I just got inside from a walk through the dark streets of Philly. I'm sitting here, listening to music; the sort of music that bends your mind and intertwines your good and bad thoughts. Reality becomes a blur, nothing really makes sense. The past, present, and future coexist. I'm reminisicing on all the good times I had with my friends. Most noteably all the times when we would hang out on our hidden, almost private peninsula that overlooked the entire horizon. I wish I could go back to those times, when everything was less complicated. Back to the times when certain people were still in my life, back to the times before I fucked up. Simply put I'll never see some people again. Some of those who are in a better and more caring place