The Constitution Of The Peoples Republic Of Bangladesh

For this, the research will take a look at relevant legislative history and legal literary. The purpose here is also to provide reasons for taking account other criterion besides most basic economic circumstances. The evaluation of meeting the goal of protecting a life of dignity should include other aspects too. Legal-wise the claim presented in this paper is backed up by the wide method of interpretation that builds on the phrasing of the provision and some legal technic choices of the Constitution. By contrast, the predominant narrow interpretation line is shaped in government proposal about basic rights. The stand taken there is strongly concentrated to minimal subsistence provided by monetary payments

Analysis of a long period (1947-1971) needed for the independence of Bangladesh is mainly depicted in this book. Analysis of why a

Bangladesh has got its independence on 1971. After that on 1972 Bangladesh got her 1st constitution. Initially according to primary constitution the government was

Bangladesh, officially known as the ‘People's Republic of Bangladesh’ worldwide, is a country in South Asia. It shares land borders with India and Myanmar. Bangladesh is the world's eighth most populous country with a population of 163 million (as of the year 2016) in a total area of 147, 570 square kilometers. Dhaka has been the capital city of Bangladesh since the country achieved independence in the year 1971. Bangladesh has a market-based mixed economy, is one of the Next Eleven emerging markets. Its per-capita income was US$ 1,190 in the year 2014, with a GDP of $209 billion (bdnews24.com, 21 May 2014). Bangladesh has the third-largest South Asian economy (after India and Pakistan) and the second-highest foreign-exchange reserves (after India). The Bangladeshi diaspora contributed $15.31 billion in remittances in the year 2015 (The Daily Star, 3 July 2015).

Open democracy is nothing but a name in Bangladesh. Political parties in not conscious about democracy, it is a big lack of them. Human right is not equal for each citizen of Bangladesh. Even Justice is not for poor men because of the rich man can buy it. (Akash, 2011).

The constitution which replaced the 1905/06 agreement with the British helps protect the power of the Sultan and the Sultanate. The reason of why Sultan Omar ‘Ali Saifuddien III promulgate the 1959 Constitution was because of the fact that the Sultan was worried about the future of the Sultanate as well as the power of the Sultan. Before the constitution, a British resident was appointed to help the Sultan on all matters except for those related to Islam and Malay customs. But the resident acted like a ruler in Brunei and the sultan was left powerless. As a result, SOAS III promulgate the constitution to safeguard the position of the monarch to make Brunei a country rule by a Sultan. To prioritize the Malay race and to make Islam the official religion of Brunei. In addition, the Sultan was aware that the constitution will help in the future of Brunei, Brunei’s sovereignty and also the people’s

It is becoming increasingly difficult to ignore the feminism in household in recent society. While a variety of definitions of the feminism have been suggested, this paper will use the definition first suggested by Urbandicitionary, it believe that woman should be treated equally as man, more likely that in society man are more well paid and have a higher respect than woman. In the past society, woman were expect to stay in household to do the housework, like taking care of the children, cleaning the house, cooking, even take care of all the member’s emotion in the household.

Gender-predicated discrimination perpetuates in adolescence & is often a constant feature of adulthood. Bangladesh is considered as one of the least developed countries of the world. Though the world contemplates the millennium goals, yet Bangladesh has not been able to establish the fundamental rights to her  people.Unequal power cognations between females and males lead to widespread breaches of health and human rights. Among the most sedulous and pernicious are early or child espousement, sexual trafficking, sexual violence, coercion, and female genital cutting. Institutionalized licit inequality underpins laws that keep land, mazuma and other economic resources out of girls and womens hands, closing off avenues for redress of discrimination and engendering the conditions for gender-predicated violence and exploitation.

The traditional family structure was, although headed and led by males, supplied and sustained by females. Contributing members of society are expected to ear their keep, usually by working in some form. The way in which women were allowed to ear their keep was in the home. The Labor Law instituted in 1930 promised to “liberate married women from the workshop and factory.” Far from liberating, it sought to ensure that women could remain in the home and “fulfill the only purpose of Christian marriage: reproduction.” This regulation did not serve as protection, but merely assigns a positive spin on the concept of limiting women’s potential.

Bangladesh is a country of complex paradoxes; although it has made huge strides in economic growth, poverty reduction and development, the political scene remains volatile. In fact, several historical, social, and conditions and contextual factors remain at play, affecting the democratization process. Drawing upon a procedural definition of democracy, free, fair, and competitive elections and the guarantee of civil rights and civil liberties for the citizenry must exist in order to promote democratization in Bangladesh. Democratization, according to Canadian International Development Agency’s (CIDA) definition, refers to the process of strengthening popular participation, building democratic institutions and practices, and deepening societal democratic values. Despite having the framework of a parliamentary democracy and Western democratic institutions, there has been a downward trend in democratization in Bangladesh. Behind the façade of democracy, instability, weak political institutions, patrimonial politics, patronage, and political polarization exist. In this case, Bangladesh can be potentially classified as an illiberal democracy, or even an electoral autocracy. As such, the country still faces considerable obstacles; the prevention of a reverse wave back to authoritarianism, and the encouragement towards further democratization and democratic consolidation, require further assistance and new approaches in order to address these challenges.

The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005, S.26(1); Dennison Paulraj v. Mrs. Mayawinola (High Court of Madras, Crl. O.P. No. 7156 of 2007 and M.P. Nos. I and 3 of 2007); Azimuddin v. State of Uttar Pradesh (High Court of Allahabad).

This research paper will try to highlight the loopholes in the legislative provisions for women in the Indian constitution. Legislations for women have been there since the British rule. Independent India is not an exception. But some Indian customs and traditions set restrictions towards women ignoring them to be an individual. Social construct is such that women do not come out to speak about their plight in the public. Since independence, Indian women has got the right to vote and many rights enshrined in the constitution, but the violence against women in the private domain remained unseen in the legal provisions of the country. Many movements took place to make the violence against women in the private domain to get legal sanction. Anyways, women get much legislation under the Indian constitution for their protection yet none of these legislations have clearly considered domestic violence as a crime till 2005. The failure of the existing provisions to address the domestic violence as a crime has led to the implementation of the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act in 2005. This study is an attempt to analyse the awareness level about the act. This study will deal extensively with the legal

In the game, Britain just proposed a constitution that they believe is going to save India. This proposal is supposed to mend the broken bonds between the people in the nation, and also the people and princely states around it. So far in the game, the Muslims have asked for a different state for Muslims only, so that they can live how they feel is morally correct, the Communists have proposed how their idea of government would benefit the people of India, the INC has proposed their ideas about the British residing in India, the Untouchables professed their wish to have specified seats in the government and the princely states have asked that Britain abide by the treaties that they set up with them years before. After hearing all these

A focus on female domestic workers there has been a s increase in the number of female domestic workers in India in the last two decades. According to National Sample Survey (NSS) data, show that the number of male domestic workers remaining static at 0.3 million between 1983 and 1999, the numbers of female domestic workers have increased from 1.2

The undeniable fundamental rights were preserved in Part III of the Indian Constitution. Directive Principles were enumerated in Part IV of the Constitution.