Us China

The recent interactions of emerging and established states suggest that the existing standards of the current global economy are shifting. According to Stewart Patrick in his article “Irresponsible Stakeholders? The Difficulty of Integrating Rising Powers,” the United States must accommodate for emerging states within the global economy and refrain from enforcing their values of an open and liberal international economy in order to achieve effective cooperation. Similarly, Andrew Nathan and Andrew Scobell argue in their article “How China Sees America: The Sum of Beijingʻs Fears” that as China gains more influence within the global economy, the United States will have to respond appropriately to maintain its economic values. Both articles ultimately assert that

The current Status Quo is complete US political and military domination in the South-China Sea, United States dominated and dictated trade deals, and unipolarity of hegemonic power (Beckley 2011) All of which, if China desires to grow its power, must challenge.

The major actors involved in the Chinese challenge include the US government, the Chinese Government, US and Chinese businesses, and the American Citizens. When analyzing the hierarchy of goals for the Chinese government, it is important to note that the Chinese Communist Party is not democratically elected. Their mandate to govern has been based on China’s strong economic performance. Above all else, it is crucial for the Chinese government to maintain its economic success. 29% of China’s GDP is composed of exports of goods and services.

Chinese philosophy places great emphasis on gradual change in order to maintain stability. Many Chinese elite, scholars and technocrats, who are affiliated with the CCP, are the ones who shape the debate and are able to change norms and policies. Whereas Americans, regardless of social standing and political patronage, have been known to challenge social, economic and political norms, resulting in constant innovation. In China, pulling the lever is reserved to a minority elite with limited room to address issues beyond business, finance and economics. The Chinese government is already grappling with the consequences of market reforms which has given Chinese citizen the ability to voice their opinions through their economic rights. Unfortunately, challenging orthodoxy does not go hand in hand with Chinese

The United States’ status as the dominant power in Asia may become contested as China modernizes its military. America’s main source of power in the region comes from its air and naval forces, and if it cannot capitalize on freedom of movement, it will lose its strategic advantage. This paper postulates that if China continues to develop its anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) forces that directly counter the United States naval and air forces, there may be future threats to American primacy in Asia. China’s response to the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis and its understanding of necessary strategic deterrence against external United States aggression has pushed it to improve its military capabilities. This essay is divided into four sections, with

China’s recent assertions of military power in the South China Sea is a serious threat to U.S. National Security, and will remain so if China is not confronted or restricted. In recent years, China has increased military spending, weapons, and is now building artificial islands on highly disputed territory in the South China Sea to expand territorial claims. Since the world is anarchic, conflict is always a possibility between States that the U.S. must be aware of and prepared for. In regard to U.S.-China relations, the United States goal should be to protect the freedom of navigation, prevent any further expansion China makes on disputed territory in the South China Sea, and to hold China under high surveillance observation. To accomplish the previously stated goals, the U.S. should respond to China’s recent assertions of naval and air power in the South China Sea through the military initiatives of surveillance and power projection by deploying more ships to the South China Sea to protect Asian allies and any trade traveling through the international water.

The current global security climate is one of unease and uncertainty. An aggressive Russia, an unsettled Middle East, and a resurgent China all pose threats to American national interests. The Islamic State undoubtedly invokes the greatest amount of fear in the hearts of the world, but it may be the rise of China that truly tests American resolve. The China Sea is of extreme economic, political and military importance to the United States. This is evident from the Obama administration’s strategic “pivot” to Asia, the recent Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the U.S.S Lassen challenging China’s territorial claims to the Spratley Islands. America’s security guarantees in the region also include some of the oldest and most valuable

This could be considered as changing posture of China’s military capability from cumbersome continental power towards more modern and dynamic naval power in responding future political and military dispute in the southern part of its territory (Ross 2009: 56). China’s military modernization that aims to built capability to project its power

As of today, China has expanded and built over seven artificial islands in the South China Sea since 2014. The South China Sea has recently come to be a major problem in Asia as issues have risen over who has rights of passage and claims in this area. The Chinese of recent have been making territorial claims in the South China Sea that are in areas of free passage for many other Asian countries and the United States. In October 2015, a U.S. guided missile destroyer encountered one of the artificial islands and China’s response was that it would “take any measure” to maintain its security in “their territory”. The Chinese have been questioned in the Permanent Court of Arbitration by the Philippines after claiming rights to historical locations in the South China Sea, which violates sovereign rights of the Philippines, yet China responded to this outcome with refusal and has continued to advance itself in the territory causing huge disputes with its neighboring countries as freedom of navigation has been compromised through China’s actions.. In order to guarantee resolution and maintain the freedom of navigation aspect of international law there needs to be a foreign policy put in place that puts more United States military in the South China Sea with support from disputing countries like Japan and the Philippines as a way to make the issue multilateral and law abiding.

The debate on whether the rise of China is displacing the United States (US) as hegemon is a contentious debate. While scholars on the one hand argue that this is the case, others refute this by arguing that despite the increase of Chinese influence in the South-Pacific, it is still far away from becoming a global superpower. Using the theoretical lenses of Hegemonic Stability, Balance of Power, and Realism, this paper will argue that the rise of China as global hegemon lacks theoretical support; while in fact China is growing militarily, economically, and politically, it will not replace the United States (US) as Global Hegemon.

How far can the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 be considered the key turning point in the development of China in the years 1900-2000?

The first tool of national power PACOM may use to achieve these ends is diplomacy. Diplomacy is not wholly owned by the Department of State and can play a significant role in influencing the military environment. PACOM may use diplomacy as a tool of soft power to persuasively shape a constructive relationship with China. This will require an open and continuous dialogue between both militaries expanding upon cooperation where national interests converge and effectively managing differences where they diverge to reduce the risk of provocation. The first long range step PACOM may take to reduce risk is to mutually develop rules of behavior for naval and air encounters which will ensure the safety of personnel and reduce the risk of confrontation and harassment. Once these rules are in place, PACOM should partner with Chinese military leaders in the development of quarterly joint military training exercises that focus on mutual national interests. These training exercises should focus on cooperation in the areas of humanitarian assistance, disaster relief, counter-piracy, counterterrorism, noncombatant evacuation operations, and maritime safety. In addition to these exercises, security cooperation can be enhanced by partnering with our regional ambassadors and integrating available resources for security assistance, port visits, and military-to-military exchanges. In the long term, allowing port visits and increasing military-to-military exchanges

Continual economic growth for the past 30 years has allowed China to rise as an economic power. As the Chinese manufacturing industry continued to grow many of the people moved from rural areas into urban centers. The continued economic growth has taken China from a poor country to the 2nd largest economy in the world. Using many of the principals of capitalism China has overcome obscurity and increased exports to the point of drawing a large trade surplus with Europe and the United States. The growing wealth of China has drawn much criticism form the global leaders as trade deficits rise. China has continued on policies of currency fixing and implementation of subsidies that are consistently controversial with the

The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has become more integrated and willing to cooperate within the global political and economic systems than ever in its history. However, there is growing apprehension in the Asia-Pacific region and the U.S. in regards to the consequences of rising in economic and military power in China. Descriptions about Chinese diplomacy in the policy and scholarly are less positive lately concerning China’s obedience to regional and international rules. There was little debate in the U.S. and elsewhere in regards to whether China was or was not part “the international community.” Scholars and experts in the early 1990s have contended

Realism assumes that under a balance of power, the overriding aim of all states is to maximize power and become the only hegemony in the system. States only help themselves in the anarchic international system. Therefore, China’s rise is regarded as a disconcerting threat to the U.S.’s primacy of power in the present international stage. The power shift in East Asia is creating security dilemmas; the U.S. thus demands more security to its Asian allies including Philippines, Japan and South Korea. The rapidly-rising Chinese power would inevitably challenge the current international balance of power and appear aggressively in the eyes of weaker power such as the Philippines. Therefore it seeks help to its ally, the U.S., to counterbalance the power of China. China intends to gain more resources and to transform current international order to its favor according to its national interests. The 2010 Chinese White Paper on National Defence states that: “Contradictions continue to surface between developed and developing countries and between traditional