About 90 percent of Egyptians are Islamic. Most of them are Sunni Muslims. The other 10 percent is christian. Early Islam was spreading wildly throughout the Middle East. The spread of Islamic as well as economic and social factors fueled this expansionism. By the end of the Islam’s first century, Islamic armies had reached far into North Africa and eastward and northward into Asia. Among those first countries Egypt.
Maintaining theocratic governments revolves around utilizing religion as the main decision maker for political affairs. Over time, groups of individuals grow indignant with opposing ideologies of how theocracies are enforced. This then creates difficulty for a country to disregard public beliefs of theocracy being portrayed as rule of religion over the state, which results in pressure on governments. Islamic Wahhabism has ultimately led to both of these countries becoming subjected to projecting influence to the Arab world. Many terrorist organizations take advantage of unreliable governments in order to overturn their powers. If these countries support these organizations to prevent revolutions and corruption, other countries becoming judgmental of theocracies is not surprising. Need therefore arises to investigate why conflict and terrorism are viewed as benefactors within the theocratic regimes of these two
From the time when the United States invaded Iraq eleven years ago, a noxious insurgence aeriated at numerous customs of conflict which has attested irrepressible, malleable, and tenacious strive to convey on hostility. A nation of Saddam and al-Zarqawi, Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) reins a third of conjointly Syria and Iraq in its charisma avowed bravura of war. Around the beginning of 2010, U.S. and Iraqi forces destroyed two topmost al-Qaeda and Iraq frontrunners; which then sanctioned Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi to become the spearhead of an assemblage destabilized by a strenuous operation directed at culminating a Sunni uprising in the country (CNN, 2015). By virtually all provision, Iraq is entangled in civil war. In addition, ISIS has engrossed nearly twelve thousand supporters from overseas already and at least three thousand devotees are from the West (Feroli & Dulin, 2013).
The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, popularly known as ISIS and Daesh, is the 21st centuries rising global threat to humanity. The world has united to reduce and ultimately prevent genocide. In the paper ISIS will be referenced as Daesh. The initial part of the essay will cover Daesh origins, ideology, goals, and objectives. It is essential to know the similarities of the present Daesh brutalities and historic barbarisms of Wahhabism. The rest of the essay will focus on leadership, funding, and capabilities, such as physical bases support locations. The conclusion will attempt to raise concern of the internal threat within the United States. This essay will be limited to sources not having access to restricted or classified information. The closing goal of this essay is to embolden the serious threat to the United States and other countries seeking pursuit of life, liberty and happiness.
‘Temptations OF Power’ is an impressive scholarly work that illustrates the contemporary circumstances of Islamist and Illiberal, uprising movements in the Middle East and North Africa. The book packs Hundreds of interviews with officials of Islamist and illiberal organizations, to advance a new understanding of their political ideologies. Nevertheless, the book gives many stories and details about the political movements in the Arab Nations encountering repression by totalitarian regimes. Moreover, it analyzes the reasons of democratization consequences on other parts of the world excluding Arab Nations. Also, explains various challenges met by the Muslim Brotherhood through different political epochs.
The modern conception of the Middle East was molded in the early 20th century. The French and the British both formulated their foreign policy in the Middle East to help advance their own self interests. Power hungry and desperate for new land, British and French governments struggled to shape the Middle East. Britain’s unwillingness to learn about the people living in the Middle East, coupled with their underestimation of Arab nationalism, made for an inauspicious state. People in these Middle Eastern nations were unable to advocate for themselves and were taken advantage of by corrupt government officials or imperializing western powers. The French and British erred by disregarding pertinent information about the nationalist feelings of the
During the last decade, the Middle East has attracted the attention of the world’s eye for many reasons. Particularly, for the socials, political, and economic changes that have happened in these countries through the years. Consequently, the Middle East has lived a massive wave of military interventions, civil wars, violence,
There has been a parallel between Islamic State (IS) and the evolution of Irish Republican Army (IRA) Taylor (2015). Both IRA and IS, are believed to be minorities in divided communities Taylor (2015). Whilst IRA’s support base lies with Catholic/Nationalist community, IS supports the minority of Sunnis according to Taylor (2015). Just like power and political stance, both felt injustices, and they justified their actions of extreme violence.
In the minds of people today, the Middle East is a country of terrorism, violence, and war. What they fail to realize is that there are reasons behind the instability in the region. There have been many factors that have contributed to the unsteadiness of the Middle East today. In addition to the collapse of the Gunpowder Empires, particularly the Ottoman Empire, the countries of the Middle East have also suffered from ongoing religious divisions, wars and revolts in the area, and western intervention, particularly in oil and arms.
Is Chaos in the Middle East Largely the Fault of U.S policy? When people generally think of Middle East, they either picture newly developed Arab economies or Muslim dominated volatile regions. However, the Middle Eastern society mentioned in Taking sides is not limited to the few nations defined by geo political lines drawn in the map, rather it is a complexly mixed society of religious factions, different ethnic group and political ideologies, each separated within boundaries of nations. As modern history goes, these factions within the Middle Eastern nation has always contributed hostility to the entire region. Primarily, the faction between Sunni and Shiite fundamentalist can be traced as root cause of
And yet it’s true that ISIS is not exactly what we’ve become accustomed to seeing in the Middle East of late. “This is not a classic insurgency,” says Itani, “or a non-state actor. Rather, it’s a state-building organization.” ISIS’s effort right now is to secure borders and lines of communication. Comparing ISIS’s project with al Qaeda’s, Itani notes that bin Laden’s logic was to draw the United States into conflict with the Muslim world in the hope of making the people so disgusted with their regimes that al Qaeda could take over. ISIS is different: It aims to take territory, hold it, and build a state. That is, at a moment when much of the rest of the Middle East is moving toward chaos, the Islamic State is consolidating, and beginning to
Since the tragic events of September 11, 2001, there has been This scholarly interest has resulted in a spate of research output from multiple disciplinary and theoretical perspectives. There are two ubiquitous trends in the literature on extremism and terrorism. First, a majority of the conversations locate the causes of contemporary extremism and radicalization in the religious edicts of one religion namely, Islam (Parent and Ellis, 2011). Second, a large number of
The immediate results of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, were those who perished, or suffered physical and emotional trauma. The United States reacted to the attacks with grief and outrage. However, the long-term consequences of 9/11 involve the U.S. perceptions of Islam and terrorism and the Muslim experience in the United States. Recent ISIS activity is the reason for the additional spark in the targeting of Muslims, due to the U.S. emphasis on Islamic terrorism. These events continually influence the perceptions the U.S. has about Muslims and terrorism, and the pressures that Muslims face in the United States. Events of attack by ISIS fuel the peoples’ confidence in their initial post-9/11 suspicions, thus leading to them to
Even the most superficial analysis of Middle Eastern events and misadventures of the past ten years would acknowledge the prophetic clairvoyance of this first argument. The post-US withdrawal sectarian crackdown and violence in Iraq has shattered its delicate secular evolution potentially sparking a new civil war, has given rise to the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), drawing in thousands of disaffected Islamic youth from all over the world, conflated a civil conflict in Syria that now
Majid Khadduri is an Iraqi born author who was known for his prolific work in regards to the history of the Middle East and how it affects the current geopolitical climate. Born on September 27th, 1909 in Mosul, Khadduri received his education at the American University of Beirut for his BA and PhD; for 12 years, from 1937 to 1949, he served as a law professor for the Iraqi ministry of education and as a member of the first Iraqi delegation to the UN. The Islamic Conception of Justice takes a very comprehensive approach to the question of justice found in Islam and reflected in the Islamic community, and is among the last of Khadduri’s published works (Killgore, 1996). Khadduri has written books and works in regards to individual states, its history, relation to other states, as well as taking broader, more holistic approach when he writes about general concepts and ideas and how they are understood by different groups of people in space in time. Khadduri served as a lecturer in the University of Indiana and then Chicago before finally settling at Johns Hopkins University. During his tenure Khadduri served as a visiting professor for at Columbia University, Harvard University, the University of Virginia and Georgetown University. He died on January 25, 2007, in Potomac, Maryland, United States at the age of 97 (Klubes, 2007).