Although security is a common need, the process of securitization remains a highly contested concept across socio-economic and political spectrums. Literature, from multimedia to scholarly publications, have aligned securitization with Carl Schmitt and Michel Foucault’s analyses of sovereign power as being founded on the subjects’ fear of the state, and as relying on governmentality, respectively. Ole Waever’s work with the Copenhagen School in analyzing the mobilization of a political issue to a security issue has also been a subject of extensive research. In light of these concepts, my paper will discuss the use of fear in creating conditions that allow mobilization to take place. In addition, it will outline the importance of a shared identity between the sovereign and the people, which allows the narratives strategized by the sovereign to be accepted by the community. I will also discuss that upon acceptance by the people, a state of exception will be created, which will further legitimize exceptional measures to be taken by the sovereign. Finally, these exceptional and often extrajudicial measures will be compared with socially accepted democratic standards, which will aid in understanding ulterior motives that have been concealed by the securitization process from public scrutiny. My analysis of securitization processes will be supported by a number of multimedia and scholarly discourses, ranging from case studies from across the world to econometric analyses using
Leonard Beaton similarly argued for the need to expand conceptions of security outward from the limits of parochial national security to include a range of systemic considerations. Likewise, Stanley Hoffman argued for the need to begin ‘turning national security into an aspect of world order policy’. Hedley Bull argued against excessive self-interest in approaches to national security, and for a broader view in which common interest and linkage among securities receive greater attention. More generally, Krause and Nye observed that ‘neither economists nor political scientists have paid enough attention to the complexity of the concept of security, including its instrumental role in the enhancement of different values’. The Brandt Commission called for a new concept of security that would transcend the narrow notions of military defence and look more towards the logic of a broader interdependence. The common theme underlying these voices was that a notion of security bound to the level of individual states and military issues is inherently inadequate.
Security can be a tool to rationalize, legitimize, marginalize violence (keeping minority groups in their place) which could in turn reinforce systemic inequalities present in society by turning a blind eye to context. This dichotomy serves as a platform for other invalidation ideologies that works on the continuum of fear that can divide into categories of “us” and “them”, which are then used to send us messages about who is a threat, and leads to constructions of what individuals who are not able to stand up for themselves. The death of Ashley Smith illustrates how the range of oppressive structures were responsible for the persistent and severe denials of her fundamental rights. In this context, we can see that the state has both the means to violate and protect human rights.
Another element of the strategy is untwisting the “spiral of violence”. The classic mechanism, which assume the existence of cycles of suicide terrorism activity in a “action-repression-reaction” it is aimed at lowering the public support for the government, and increase it for the terrorists. By curried out the suicide terrorism attacks, the intension and aim of the terrorists is to hit the repressive actions of the authorities not only in themselves but also in the group indentified with them and/or their supporters (a specified ethnic group, religious, social or the entire society). As a result, this process has lead to massive social explosion directed against the government. Such a model of strategy for terrorism has been used by most of the leftist groups in Europe in the nineteenth century, and in the
Shelby Steele supports his argument in his essay “The New Sovereignty” through the use of several effective rhetorical devices. He incorporates historical allusions, repetition, simile, personification and jargon to support his assertion that minorities end up separating themselves instead of integrating and should focus more on achieving integration.
In 1776 the United States declared its independence from the tyrannical British Empire and has been growing as a nation ever since then. The first constitution that the United States developed as a united country was the Articles of Confederation, which failed horribly. But learning from the mistakes made in the Articles of Confederation the brilliant minds of early America drafted the Constitution, a document that still governs the states to this day with only being amended 27 times. In order to be this successful it was written very broadly with a lot of room for interpretation because every problem couldn’t be addressed. One problem that the Founding
The United States is classifies as a Democracy, what classifies as a democracy is many things. Included in Democracy is Popular Sovereignty, which defines as the principle that the authority of a state and its government is created and sustained by the consent of its people, through their elected representatives (Wikipedia, 2016). Incorporated of Popular Sovereignty is Represented Democracy, elections are free and fair, the people participate in the political process, high quality information is available, and more. What stands out as this upcoming election is the people participate in the political process. Over the years, voter turnout has been all over the place. It is our rights as people to vote, this is Suffrage. Many citizens fail on
Nationalism has played a crucial role in world history over the past centuries. It continues to do so today. For many, nationalism is indelibly associated with some of the worst aspects of modern history, such as the destructive confidence of the Napoleon’s army and the murderous pride of Nazi Germany. Large numbers of people, descent in their hearts, have carried out unbelievable atrocities for no better reason than their nation required them to. Authoritarian and totalitarian regime have crushed dissent, eliminated opposition, and trampled on civil liberties in the name of the nation.
In Maskovsky and Cunningham (2009), there is a relationship which exists between the politics of surveillance, the rise of the prison complex and their interrelationships. The Bush administration was not formulated on the basis of unifying the homeland security but it was intended to create a fragmentation in the system which has unequal measures of the risks and security protocols which are followed. The prison industrial complex in this system was designed in order to eliminate people who are considered to be high profile criminals from the society. A lot of funds have been allocated to this system which depended entirely on policing strategies and surveillance improvements in order to help reduce the activities of terrorists. This massive investment in this sector led to the changes in the administration and the urban fears increased as a result of increased surveillance. The connection between urban fears, the politics of security and surveillance and the rise of prison industrial complex is based on the changes which took place in the bush administration.
People will always want to have security. In Travis Langley’s essay on Civil War, he gives the example that following the attacks on September 11, 2001, many Americans renounced some of their liberties in the form of being more monitored as a way to protect themselves from terrorism (71). When bad things happen people feel scared and vulnerable, such as 9/11, and as such want more security and are willing to do and give up more to gain it. If one were
In Amin Maalouf’s book “In the Name of Identity” Maalouf emphasizes that we should not judge people on one singular identity. He argues that, “Identity can’t be compartmentalized. You can’t divide it up into halves or thirds or any other separate segments. I haven’t got several identities: I’ve got just one, made up of many components in mixture that is unique to me, just as other people’s identity is unique to them as individuals.” The essence of Maalouf’s argument is that one should not define another based solely on a singular component of their identity but rather their identity as a whole.
Sovereignty Sovereignty refers to ultimate and absolute authority designated to either an individual or an institutional body. The term sovereignty could be contested due to the fact that there is no universally agreed definition. Thomas Hobbes defined what he considered the basis of a political body as 'the most high and perpetual.' (Hobbes, quoted in Heywood, 1997, p26.)
Security can be defined as the “freedom from danger, risk, etc. with the absence of threats to assimilated principles” or a “low chance of damage to assimilated principles.” However, the word security originates from the Latin Securus, which means “carefree”. Notice that the very definition of the word clues to the term “freedom”. The aforementioned definition of security is very general. It does not stipulate the individual whose security is at issue or the types of values pliable to being secured. The security of people (“human security”) is understood to extend beyond national security, also comprising of economic welfare, the health of the environment, cultural identity, and political rights. Security began to take on a diverse set of restrictions with the Alien and Sedition Acts of the 1790s. We would see a drastic change after September 11, 2011.
A nation turnout is unquestionably the product of the one who is responsible for governing it. Two rulers who clearly demonstrate the validity of “A nation’s fate is determined by its ruler” are Peter The Great of Russia and Phillip the second of Spain. Both rulers had some great accomplishments that favored their nation but what is most important is the final outcome of a nation by the end of the Rulers death. Peter The Great had a great impact on Russia. His Rule changed what Russia had been for such a long time to something completely new that is still something that Peter had left behind. Phillip II of Spain also had a huge impact on the fate of his nation. Phillip had some great
Genocide is defined by the United Nations as "...acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group..." (UN, 1) While there are many sovereign nations engaged in international politics, only a few engaged (or disengaged) in African politics during the Cold War era. Through realism and liberalism the actions of global leaders and members of the United Nations will be explained and their actions defined that led to the crisis of Central Africa from 1960 through 1994 and ending in Rwanda. These global state actors have an obligation to protect human rights throughout the world, but in 1994 allowed 800,000 ethnic Tutsi to be brutally murdered in their homes and in the streets of a place that once used to be safe. This all occurred because a global power struggle was top priority.
For the latter half of the Twentieth Century, the dominant school of thought related to security was neo-realism. Stemming from works produced by Hobbes, Thucydides, and Machiavelli, followers of the neo-realists paradigm sought to see the world for what it was, rather than what they wished (Crawford 1991; Terrif et al., 1991). Established in 1979