The National Security Strategy considers the enduring US national interests as “the security of the US, its citizens, and US allies and partners; a strong, innovative and growing US economy in an open international economic system that promotes opportunity and prosperity; respect for universal values at home and around the world; an international order advanced by US leadership that promotes peace, security, and opportunity through stronger cooperation to meet global challenges.” The Defense Strategic Guidance, published in 2012, directs that DOD develop smaller, less-cost, creative ways to achieve national security by increasing advisory roles, rotational presence, and exercises. Complimenting both, the Quadrennial Defense Review, …show more content…
In 2003, the Iraq campaign saw a sizeable US force in the initial phase, followed by an increase to a much larger force as the war became protracted. In Afghanistan, especially following the US withdrawal of combat forces from Iraq, the US force presence grew substantially until the 2013 drawdown, again demonstrating the ‘yo-yo’ approach. The US documents referenced earlier indicate that policy makers deduced that regime changes, vice what the US had previously considered irregular challenges/warfare, took much more effort and required larger scale, protracted presence.
According to policy, post-2010 US military approach to the irregular challenges moved away from the ‘yo-yo’ and now focuses on regional and international security, aggression deterrence, and opposing violent extremism. According to the National Military Strategy, “Preventing wars is as important as winning them, and far less costly.” Factoring heavily in current irregular challenges, the US military continues to operate effectively across all domains (land, air, sea, space) in addition to a new and emerging domain of cyberspace, although presently from a mostly defensive mindset. Additionally, the US military maintains the capability to respond to frequent irregular challenges such as natural disaster response, pandemics, non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction efforts, and terrorism. Lastly, present US military efforts to document and
The United States from the Cold War and into the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT) continues to face challenges in translating military might into political desires due to its obsession with raising an army, electing politicians and assembling a diplomatic corp that continue to gravitate towards State-to-State engagements that if not rectified could lead to substantial delays in fighting terrorism and non-terrorist adversaries or worse total failure of the United States Military’s ability to properly carry out it’s politicians objectives due to being blindsided.
1. In President Obama’s speech at West Point, he announced that 30,000 additional troops would be sent to Afghanistan. He made this decision because he said it was vital to the United States’ national interest. The vital national interest at risk in President Obama’s address is the security and safety of the American people as well as the “security of our allies and the common security of the world.” By involving the military and increasing the troop strength, President Obama can achieve the objectives of his strategy. His objectives are to keep the Taliban from becoming powerful, prevent them from government rule, improve Afghanistan security forces and government so they can manage their own country and prevent Al Qaeda from
In a 2015 article, “Is U.S. military becoming outdated?” written by Stuart Bradin, Keenan Yoho, and Meaghan Keeler-Pettigrew, the authors argued that despite the U.S. military maintaining a position of global dominance “without peer” during conventional operations, it is not the ideal force against current and future threats. The authors claim that there are several negative factors arising due to the past sixteen years of war against several state and non-state elements, inferior cultural differences of government bureaucracy compared to commercial firms, and a misallocation of defense spending that leaves the US military waging war inefficiently while simultaneously losing technological dominance against current and future threats.
The function of the military forces for the United States has had no choice but to evolve as wars wax and wane. As the rise of militant terrorist groups became a threat to the United States and its allies, the armed forces of the United States were deployed by the President to countries such as Afghanistan, Iran, and Iraq. Instability in these countries threatened bordering allies, and after September 11, 2001, the threat was brought to U.S. soil. Each president from Clinton to Obama has had to shape the policy of how the armed forces fit into civil-military policies abroad and overseas. In a war time environment, such as Iraq, the purpose of how the military should be deployed is easier to clearly state. But in times when there is no imminent threat, it is much more difficult to transition
With Trump’s election this year, his rhetoric of “Making America Great Again” and therefore revitalizing our military will soon become a reality. Trump has formally requested a reappropriation of funds; around $54 Billion, towards the US military. Part of Trump’s campaign promises had to do with making the military more robust; ensuring America’s title of militarily strongest in the world. In order to achieve this goal. Trump’s federal government has the option of many different aspects of the military to focus on. Of these, funding weapons of mass destruction, cyber security, and further military research and development prove themselves as most relevant in the contemporary military.
The threat environment has expanded from a strategic, nuclear, symmetrical threat from bombers, ICBMs, and air-or-sea-launched cruise missiles, to a continuing symmetrical threat in addition to an emergent asymmetric threat, focused across all domains, borders and agencies. Accordingly, our political leaders recognized a need to transform the military for a new ‘home game’. United States Northern Command (USNORTHCOM) was established to assume responsibility for the defence of the US homeland, and this new Command was tasked to provide military assistance to civil authorities (MACA).
The Armed Forces of the United States stand at an inflection point. Fourteen years of sustained combat forged a seasoned force capable of success across the range of military operations from military engagement to joint and multinational major combat operations. Today, this seasoned force is tasked to reset from a decade plus of counterinsurgency operations and evolve capability and capacity to defend the Nation from an increasingly complex security environment. Furthermore, this transformation must be completed in the face of a stark fiscal federal budget.
The security environment that is shaping the Joint Force 2025 (JF25) is incredibly complex and rapidly evolving. Challengers to security and stability include two aggressive competing powers (China and Russia), two nuclear capable regional hegemons (North Korea and Iran), and a persistent threat of terrorism to the homeland. The global commons are contested and access to the space and cyber domains are no longer guaranteed. Fiscal constraints limit the available means for the Joint Force (JF) to meet these challenges and therefore increases risk to accomplishing the national military objectives.
General Dempsey’s NMS underscored strategic challenges to the Joint Staff in rebalancing the JF of 2025 to meet the national security directives in an austere fiscal environment. General Dempsey highlighted strategic imperatives to protect and advance U.S national interests, apply contrasting approaches to state threats (China, Russia) verses non-state threats (ISIL), and adjusting to prolonged campaigns in an unpredictable strategic environment with limited resources.4 The CCJO emphasized enduring proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), rise of competitor states, violent extremism, regional instabilities, transnational crime and competition for resources.5 Furthermore, advancements in mobile technology and social media allow middleweight
should adjust its priorities and spending to address the changing nature of threats in the world: What all these potential adversaries—from terrorist cells to rogue nations to rising powers—have in common is that they have learned that it is unwise to confront the United States directly on conventional military terms. The United States cannot take its current dominance for granted and needs to invest in the programs, platforms, and personnel that will ensure that dominance's persistence. But it is also important to keep some perspective. As much as the U.S. Navy has shrunk since the end of the Cold War, for example, in terms of tonnage, its battle fleet is still larger than the next 13 navies combined—and 11 of those 13 navies are U.S. allies or partners." (Staff,
Following over a decade of irregular war in Iraq and Afghanistan, the U.S. military is attempting to reset towards a conventional, regular type of warfare. The 2014 Quadrennial Defense Review describes a U.S. military shift to the Pacific and the supremacy of capability against near peer nations rather than support irregular of and counterinsurgency operations. As the QDR points out the U.S. military must “be prepared to battle increasingly sophisticated adversaries who could employ advanced warfighting capabilities while simultaneously attempting to deny U.S. forces the advantages they currently enjoy in space and cyberspace.” This is balanced against the reality that “our forces will no longer be sized to conduct large-scale prolonged
Clausewitz defines war as an “act of force to compel our enemy to do our will.” The nature of war is enduring yet the character of war changes over time. Current US strategic guidance is advancing the point of view that since the character of war has changed to focus on irregular wars then the US military should prepare for a future of irregular wars. This shift in focus forgets that the nature of war is enduring and in order to be successful, we must prepare for all types of conflict. This paper will define the types of conflict and the likelihood of each followed by a discussion of US strategic guidance and ending with an analysis of the training resources and force structure requirements needed to achieve success for all types of
Giulio Douhet, in his seminal treatise on air power titled The Command of the Air, argued, “A man who wants to make a good instrument must first have a precise understanding of what the instrument is to be used for; and he who intends to build a good instrument of war must first ask himself what the next war will be like.” The United States (US) military establishment has been asking itself this exact question for hundreds of years, in an attempt to be better postured for the future. From the Civil War, through the American Indian Wars, and up until World War II (WWII) the American military’s way of war consisted of fighting traditional, or conventional, wars focused on total annihilation of an enemy. Since that time, there has been a gradual shift from the traditional framework towards one that can properly address non-traditional, or irregular wars. While the US maintains a capability to conduct conventional warfare, the preponderance of operations where the US military has been engaged since WWII have been irregular wars. Therefore, this question articulated by Douhet, as to understanding the character of the next war in order to properly plan, train, and equip, is certainly germane to the current discussion of regular war versus irregular war. In today’s fiscally constrained environment, the questions remains, which will dominate the future and therefore, garner further funding and priority. Based on the current threats and the US role as a superpower, the US
By breaking down the two key words, security and defense, you find how each of these items are married together. Security and defense are to very similar words, one you are securing a given item and the other you are defending. So, wouldn’t you think that homeland defense and homeland security would be the same? You would, but they are not. Homeland defense is the of its self is the infrastructure used to defend us against any sort of external threat. Whereas Homeland Security is the strategy that is used with to combat these sort of things. It goes without saying that the primary mission of homeland security and defense, is to protect the citizens of the United States of America. Within the mission is the tasks, and each individual department has its own specific task. Now, with the specific task comes specific duties, responsibilities, and operations. From personal experience, most operations of within the homeland security/defense real are in some way, shape, or form joint operations. Now each individual knows their specific tasks, duty, and responsibility. Take for example the current situation in New York City and Elizabeth, New Jersey, you have on the ground investigating, the local law enforcement agencies, the ATF, the FBI, and Homeland Security agents. Each agency has their own job and their own input on what needs to be done while on scene. Here is simple breakdown of those task, the local law enforcement agents are first own the scene. They are going to
The purpose for an IT security policy is to provide “strategy, policy, and standards regarding the security of and operations in cyberspace, and encompasses the full range of threat reduction, vulnerability reduction, deterrence, international engagement, incident response, resiliency, and recovery policies and activities, including computer network operations, information assurance, law enforcement, diplomacy, military, and intelligence missions as they relate to the security and stability of the global information and communications infrastructure” ("Cyberspace policy RevIew", 2016).