The Presentation Of The Working Class Statement By Thomas Babington Macaulay

Luddism, for example, was one of the ideologies that opposed the industrial changes that liberalism brought. The jobs of the skilled textile workers were lost and replaced by machines operated by unskilled laborers. The Luddites protested and even broke into factories, destroying many machinery. Chartism was another example of the response to the unrecognized individual rights. Chartism was a working- class movement with the main focus on political and social reform in society (Fielding, 2009, 132). The Chartists wanted a political and social reform in society because they could be granted the rights to participate in these aspects of society. Utopian Socialists were humanitarians who advocated an end to the appalling conditions of the average worker in the industrial capitalist countries (Fielding, 2009, 134). They believed that education and the improved working conditions could peacefully remove the worst aspects of capitalism and lead to an ideal socialist society where everyone would live happily. “It is therefore the interest of all, that everyone, from birth, should be well educated, physically and mentally, that society may be improved in its character; that everyone should be beneficially employed, physically, and mentally, that the greatest amount of wealth may be created and knowledge attained….” (Fielding, 2009, 135). Another essential resistance to liberalism was showcased by the ideology of classical conservatism. The beliefs of

social history with economic tendencies, The Shoemaker and the Tea Party incorporates many subfields of history; such as social, economic, and cultural histories successfully. The aspect of social history and the explanation of the lower classes propelling events of the American Revolution was particularly effective and fresh. Young uses members of lower classes to uncover various risings and rebellions. Members of the elite believed that the lower class were ramblers and were uncivilized. The radicalism of the common man was swept under the rug. Young mirrors the writing of E.P. Thompson’s, The Making of the English Working Class. Both writers are meticulous in their interpretation of the common man. Furthermore, Thompson and Young examine just how much class conflict effects the constructs of history.

He discusses all that is wrong with the wealthy individuals and how they are spoiled. He makes his argument by revealing how wealth is disposed of, “There are but three modes in which surplus wealth can be disposed of. It can all be left to the families of the descendants; or it can be bequeathed for public purposes; or, finally, it can be administrated during their lives by its possessors” (3). The author is Andrew Carnegie and intended audience is the general public but more specifically are those of wealth and make them conscious of how surplus wealth is disposed of. This is a primary source and reveals that even though this was how the world was a decade ago, it is quite similar and not much has

As the wealthy increased their assets in the cities, at the same time, a large class was “impoverished city dwellers.” A huge contrast between the wealthy and the poor were forming and becoming more apparent from the beginning of the eighteenth century in the colonies. The data that was collected on the people who were submitted into poor houses clearly with little “doubt that the third quarter of the eighteenth century was an era of severe economic and social dislocation in the cities, and that by the end of the colonial period a large number of urban dwellers were without property, without opportunity, and except for public aid, without the means of obtaining the necessities.” This evidence of poverty in the colonies is one that Nash tries to point out to support his argument that there was a sharp contrast in the distribution of wealth, and that the masses were at this time more focused on the economy’s downfall of the period than defending for constitutional rights and liberties. Protest sparked as the result of the enormous poverty in the colonies. Frustrated with their living conditions the middle and lower classes protested violently in the cities. During this time of frustration with the economic conditions, “rank had no privileges, as even the lieutenant-governor was shot” in Massachusetts. The wealthy were attacked

Radical Whigs – “made attacks on the use of patronage and bribes by the king 's ministers. They warned citizens to be on guard for possible corruption.”

In David K. Shipler’s book, The Working Poor Invisible in America the reader is provided a peek into the personal stories of the inner lives of eight families struggling inside the vicious cycle of poverty. Shipler’s method of interviews, narratives of personal stories and observation represents an innovative study investigating the working poor in an attempt to understand “how people in real communities devise collective responses to their problems (Segal, 2010).”

(p. 105) The property owners are often of the upper class and have control of their life situation. In contrast those who own no property are primarily of the lower-middle classes and have little control over their life situation since they must follow certain societal rules put in place by the ruling class (those with the most property/greatest economic status).

In Edward McClelland’s essay “RIP, the Middle Class: 1946-2013,” McClelland discusses to his audience that the middle class is slowly vanishing and soon enough we will only be left with the rich and the poor. Throughout the essay, McClelland uses various examples to demonstrate how the middle class will no longer exist. McClelland talks about how education is vital for pursuing a job at a reasonable pay that a person can live off of. Before, people were able to leave high school and go straight into a job with a pay that could support them. Nowadays, the same jobs that were supporting people before require a lot more education and still aren’t giving enough money that will allow them to live comfortably. Even though there are still jobs people can thrive at that will make more money without a serious education , the middle class is struggling to make it economically, because it is harder to find a job without education and financially it’s harder to make ends meet.

This was a time of working class discontent when workers and the movement as a whole were seeking answers to the social injustices they suffered. The speech was made at a time when Parliament and government were dominated by the aristocracy (O’Day et al., 2011, p96). Democracy was seen as a way of resolving the economic circumstances of the worker and political action was thought to be the mechanism to bring this about. Paragraphs 3 and 5 contain almost exclusively political rhetoric with the speaker seeking the audiences support. There are many references to support this,” the rich unnaturally elevated above the proper spheres of the mortal man” (Para2 Line 3) and “mustering your thousands to aid

In fact, he believed private property was “sacred” to civilization because it allowed competition and competition resulted in more people being able to purchase products of better quality. He believed “the poor enjoy what the rich could not before afford. What were the luxuries have become the necessities of life.” (Paragraph 4) He added, “Not evil, but good, has come to the race from the accumulation of wealth by those who have the ability and energy that produce it.” (Paragraph 7)

“Nature is rich; but everywhere man, the heir of nature, is poor.” Lloyd begins his work by complaining about how the rich remain rich and the poor remain poor; however, as the essay progresses, one can see the accuracy of his views. He references the creation of Adam and Eve, stating that, “Never since time began have all the sons and daughters of men been all warm, and filled, and all shod and roofed.” It’s been true throughout history that because of monopolies that a very small percentage of men control a majority of land and resources. Lloyd states that individuals holding a majority of resources and land believe that that there is a scarcity; that there is not enough. And in order to survive, in order to be happy, in order to be prosperous, they must contain and constrain. Men must hold on to any and everything they can get their hands on. The minority has an opposing viewpoint. It feels that there is an abundance of resources, but because of unequal distribution, there is never enough to go around: “There is too much iron, too much lumber, too much flour―for this or that syndicate. The majority have never been able to buy enough of anything; but this minority have too much of everything to sell.” Lloyd concludes by expressing that we have become a “mutual deglutition.” He states that we have advanced too quickly and implicates that we are beginning to reverse

Multiple composers wrote an argument describing how to improve the lives of European workers, including how their lives changed over the course of the nineteenth century. Malthus and Ricardo stated the benefits of having a laissez-faire government in the early 1800’s. Marx and Engels desired a revolution, aiming towards communism. Throughout document five, six, and seven it was examined that a balanced and controlled industry would benefit the most from this structure. Each author was extremely bias, yet the change they described was massive as the lives of the workers began to change. A laissez-faire government would be beneficial for the workers, yet the freedom

Even though the Stamp Act aroused vehement resistance and although most colonists continued to accept the authority of the British Parliament in respect of regulating their trades, “they insisted that only their representative assemblies could levy direct, internal taxes, such as the one imposed by the Stamp Act” (“STAMP ACT”, n.d.). But their plea was actually overlooked by the British government which argued that “all British subjects enjoyed virtual representation in Parliament, even if they could not vote for members of Parliament” (“STAMP ACT”, n.d.). Looking at the failure of the moderates in forcing the British government to reconsider the taxation process, the radicals started hinting on extreme measures for repealing the Stamp Act. It is to be noted that “These radical voices warned that the tax was part of a gradual plot to deprive the colonists of their freedoms and to enslave them beneath a tyrannical regime” (“STAMP ACT”, n.d.). But still there were opponents to such radicals but such opposition failed to resist the tide of extreme resistances that would change the face of American politics

It was the land, when mixed with man’s labour offered the means of turning that outcome into money. Since land ownership is a prerequisite to making money and money is a pre-condition to owning land, the two became inexorably linked. In short, the introduction of money led to unlimited accumulation, scarcity and, ultimately, conflict. Although the sufficiency limitation remained intact, there was no longer “as much and as good” land for everyone and, as a result, a visible disparity between “owners” and the “wage makers” appeared and conflict between them arose. Locke commented on the problems inherent in accumulation of property in the state of nature;

 Chartism was the name of a variety of protest movements in England during the 1830s and 40s, which aimed to bring about change  in social and economic conditions through political reform. Its name comes from the People’s Charter, a six-point petition presented to the House of Commons with the hope of having it made law. The six point included annual parliaments, universal manhood suffrage, abolition of the property qualification for members of the House of Commons, the secret ballot, equal electoral districts, and salaries for members of Parliament.