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The Proletarian Revolution

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The Manifesto of the Communist Party discusses the topic about the proletarian revolution. The author Marx and Engels claim that the struggle in today’s world is between two great social classes, the “bourgeoisie”, the capitalists who own the means of production and the “proletariat”, the workers employed by the bourgeoisie (p.5). They believe that the proletariat will ultimately overthrow the bourgeoisie through revolution and reach a classless society (p.9, p.13). To achieve this goal, the communists who pursue the common interests of all proletarians need to make the proletariat the ruling class, then abolish the private property and centralize all production (p.13). Personally, I think that Marx and Engels are weak for the argument that…show more content…
One the one hand, Marx and Engels demonstrate that a new class will rise in order resolve the conflicts made by previous ruling classes in a historic process. They state that the triumph of the proletariat is inevitable. However, on the other hand, Marx and Engels outline several important demands in the revolution, such as “abolition of private property”, “heavy graduated income tax” and “centralization of means of production” (p.13). These two statements lead a contraction. If the proletarian revolution will eventually succeed in a historical process, why is necessary to follow communism? Furthermore, the methods themselves also have holes. Some people criticize that people will become lazy and stop working if private property is abolished (p.11). Marx and Engels’ response is that bourgeois society has already been lazy, as they claim, “for those of its members who work, acquire nothing, and those who acquire anything, do not work” (p.11). Similarly, in response to the criticism about the community of women, Marx and Engels states, “the bourgeois sees his wife as an instrument of production” (p.12). Since the bourgeoisie would like to use the instruments of production in common, the women are also exploited in common. The community of women has already existed in modern bourgeois society because the bourgeois not only treats the women as common instruments of production but also “seduce each other’s wives” (p.12), which means that they share their wives. Marx and Engels defy logic when they respond to these two criticisms. Showing that your enemy has already done something does not mean you can also do the same things. The evidence that idleness and community of women have already existed in modern bourgeois society is irrelevant because it cannot tell if laziness and community of women will cause problems
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