The State Council Of The Peoples Republic Of China

When Jan Wong first arrived in China, she was filled with the complete belief that China’s totalitarianism way of government was the best way of governing, and that no other way would do. While natives smiled behind false expressions, she failed to realize the true extent of the miserable lives under the Maoist regime until she herself experienced the injustices faced by the Chinese citizens. In Red China Blues, author Jan Wong writes of her experiences during her life in China and after, and how her whole journey led to the realization of the harsh reality that Maoism really was. As Wong learned more and more about the truth behind the totalitarian government, her own experiences helped her to transform

(Larsson, 1997). Would Hong Kong’s role as a door to China strengthen with the liberation?

Kaye Hong grown up in San Francisco and attended university of Washington. At the begging of his essay, he was not sure where he should lie his future in because he sees his future clearly in both China and America. Through half of his essay, we can tell that he is also considered China as a weak and low quality county by saying, “I shall deplore China’s lower standard of living, that the chaos of China’s government offers me no promise of economic security” (62). Although he had thought of go back to China, the bad living condition and insecure economy has immediately stopped his thinking. To put it differently, Hong is also lack of knowledge of China, and they way he looks at China’s future was incorrect. Indeed, at that time China’s economy and condition were not as good as today. But due to his enormous population, it is possible for its citizens to make it strong and rich, which this is also what the Stanford students are trying to express. However, Hong is very pessimistic with China’s

As many other countries around the world China has its long history of a struggle for equality and prosperity against tyrants and dictatorships. The establishment of People’s Republic of China in 1949 seemed to have put an end to that struggle for a better life. “The Chinese people have stood up!” declared Mao Tse-tung, the chairman of China’s Communist Party (CPP) – a leading political force in the country for the time. The people were defined as a coalition of four social classes: the workers, the peasants, the petite bourgeoisie and the national-capitalists. The four classes were to be led buy the CPP, as the leader of the working class.

“The Party: The Secret World Of China’s Communist Rulers,” by Richard McGregor is a book which provides detailed insight into the Communist Party of China, revealing many of the secret underpinnings of how the party is run, and explores the question of how they have continued to stay in power for so long. While other strong socialist powers, such as the Soviet Union and Eastern Germany, fell at the end of the 20th century, the CPC was able to stay in control and ultimately come out of that period even stronger. In McGregor’s own words “the party picked itself up off the ground, reconstituted its armor and reinforced its flank. Somehow, it has outlasted, outsmarted, outperformed, or simply outlawed its critics, flummoxing the pundits who have predicted its demise at numerous junctures.” Instead of letting its own ideologies weaken its power, the CPC has continually adapted and transformed its policies and goals in order to maintain their stronghold over the nation. Through his impressive list of Chinese scholars and political contacts, McGregor is able to lay out the fundamental workings inside the Chinese government and the impressive actions they’ve taken to remain such a powerful organization.

September 26, 1984 – the United Kingdom and the People’s Republic of China release the Joint Declaration, a document detailing the then future handover of the island of Hong Kong and its surrounding territories from British colonial rule, to rule by the PRC. Exactly thirty years later, hundreds of students rush over the security barricades of the central government building in Hong Kong with anger, tenacity, and fear in their eyes. Many are still youths, students from local secondary schools exercising their disappointment of modern Hong Kong in the only way they believe they can: protest, beginning a series of events now known as “The Umbrella Movement.” Four days earlier, however, hundreds had begun gathering around that building, unhappy with the current political system in place in Hong Kong, furious at the way the Beijing government of the PRC seemed to be closing in and suppressing their social and political freedoms. Though the protests were meant to be relatively peaceful demonstrations, the large collections of people disrupted traffic and business throughout Hong Kong. Soon Hong Kong police forces were called in to disperse the crowds, and when protesters refused to leave, the police resorted to the use of pepper spray and tear gas, causing an uproar among witnesses. In response, to protect themselves from the tear gas, protesters began carrying umbrellas to use as shields, thus the movement was dubbed “The Umbrella Movement.” In the following months, the series

The movement that conveyed Hong Kong people’s discontent with the British colonial government is the Hong Kong Leftist riots in 1967. After the breakout of the Cultural Revolution in China, pro-communist leftists in Hong Kong actively found opportunities to cause conflicts against the colonial government. The labor disputes at the Hong Kong Artificial Flower Factory were a perfect time to instigate Hong Kong people to oppose its colonial government. Along with the success of leftists demonstrations in Macau and Hong Kong’s social conflicts stemmed from poor working conditions, the disputes developed into large-scale demonstrations against British colonial rule. Many pro-communist demonstrators shouted Mao’s slogans with Little Red Books held in their hands. At the end of the demonstrations without the supports of Hong Kong citizens, the riots failed and were discontinued by the first Premier of the People 's Republic of China, Zhou Enlai.

The Chinese-Canadian experience during the 19th and 20th centuries provides a classic example of history’s role in the nation-making process, the creation of an “imagined community”(Stanley 477). The anti-Asian exclusion era (1880s to 1940s) in Canada played a pivotal role in the emergence of the “Chinese” identity. Benedict Anderson describes the ‘imagined community’ as a community that is built through emotional ties with one another. Anderson states that the community "is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion,” (Anderson 1991). With this said, Chinese-Canadians felt a strong

The death toll was largely due to the conditions that the Chinese lived in and their distrust for western medicine. Slowly over the years the Chinese began to have a say in the government and the chapter further discussed their rise to middle class. Despite their rise in status and wealth, there was still significant segregation within Hong Kong. The humiliation that the Chinese had endured led to a Chinese nationalism, where they began to demand rights as a

No one can deny from recent news that there has been a strong surge of Chinese nationalism, and that this nationalism has turned heads in the international community. The nationalism that the CCP has affected is taking on a life of its own. In its strategy of pragmatic nationalism, the CCP tried to blur the lines between love of country with love of the state and governing body. What has resulted is a whole new breed of nationalism that is very much independent of the Chinese Communist Party and in fact has caused the CCP great concern. This new form of nationalism is much more vibrant, passionate, virulent and uncontrollable than the government had intended with its post 1989 strategy of obtaining legitimacy through nationalism. This

Hong Kong was taken controlled by the British government because of the following treaty the Treaty of Nanking in 1842, the Treaty of Beijing in 1860 and the convention for the extension of Hong Kong Territory in 1898. The colonization of Hong Kong started from the Opium War that the Hong Kong Island and Kowloon had been ceded to UK in perpetuity. Because of the failure in the Second Opium War, both sides signed a treaty that the New Territories was leased 99 years by Chinese Empire to the British for 99 years. (1) Later, the Chinese government took initiative to discuss the Handover of Hong Kong with Britain government from 1982. The sovereignty of Hong Kong provoked the conflicts between China and Britain. They argued that whether the China government should take back Hong Kong or not. After negotiation, British’s Margaret Thatcher signed the formal treaty, Joint Declaration, the sovereignty of Hong Kong would transfer from British to the China on the 1st July, 1997. Under the ‘one country, two systems’, the Chinese government guaranteed that Hong Kong people would not only run as the capitalist system and its autonomy to run its own affair, but also enjoy its rule of law and high degrees of freedoms at least 50 years. ( from chris patten, p.20) However, the promise of the Chinese government looked shaky as the China crushed pro-democracy demonstrators in Beijing’s Tianmen Square with tanks and automatic weapons. Many people didn’t trust the system of ‘One Country, Two

At the highest point of the Chinese Communist Party=s political structure is its Political Bureau (Politburo), for the most part viewed as the most imperative formal political foundation in China. The official leader of the Politburo is the Party's General Secretary. The size and enrollment of the Politburo changes with each Party Congress, a noteworthy meeting of the Communist Party held roughly at regular intervals. At the point when the last (seventeenth) Party Congress met from October 15-21, 2007, it reported the determination of the present 25-part Politburo, including 9 new

Nationalism has become a major part of the Chinese Communist Party’s agenda to success and continued rule as it struggles to keep its legitimacy in China. Nationalism to an extent also shapes China’s international relations. This essay will first define what nationalism means for China by providing some background information to explain its rise, as well as the role that the ‘national humiliation’ narrative plays in it. It will also discuss the role of the patriotic education system and differentiate between state and popular

Beijing’s One China version, stating that Taiwan is part of the PRC, has never been accepted by foreign states. While foreign governments recognize the PRC as the legal government of China, they almost uniformly disagree with the PRC’s territorial claim over Taiwan. That is why, in their respective the US and the UK simply “acknowledge,” Canada “takes note of,” and Japan “understands and respects” the PRC’s position that Taiwan is part of China.11 These carefully chosen terms, used instead of the word, “recognize,” as well as negotiations history, directly refute the RPC’s claim of an “international consensus” that Taiwan is an inalienable part of China. These foreign countries’ positions also imply that the ROC’s loss of recognition does not extinguish its statehood (Hsieh, P., 2009).

Everyone in Hong Kong should have heard of the mainland parallel-goods traders who discriminated by the local citizens. The MTR Corporation’s new policy setting limit to the weight of the luggage and the demonstration against the traders held by the local citizens are some of the evidences showing the discrimination against the mainland Chinese in Hong Kong (Lee & Lo, 2012). Actually, the mainland Chinese settling in Hong Kong faces lots of barriers in different aspects. According to the United Nation, the living standard of a people will be degraded by the social, political, environmental, cultural and economic barriers (The United Nation, 1976). This essay will discuss the