The Trade Activities Between Mainland China And Taiwan

Even with her previous experiences at Beijing University and at Big Joy Farm, Wong still held some belief that the Chinese system wasn’t as bad as it was sometimes made out to be. This event proved to her that it was. “The enormity of the massacre hit home…Although it had been years since I was a Maoist, I still had harbored some small hope for China. Now even that was gone” (259). As a reporter Wong was able to view the progression of the protests in leading up to the massacre, and in viewing it understood that the Chinese people were much more independent than they had previously demonstrated over the past 50 years. She had continuously seen the Chinese people following what they were told between learning in school or with physical labor, yet this protest was one of the first large scale displays of the unacceptance of the regime by the people, and the government did not know what to do with it. But because of this, Wong was able to recognize that the people were not reliant on this way of life that they had previously been bound to, but truly could lead for themselves and take control. The massacre awakened Wong both to the reality that the government was not acting to benefit the people, and that the people were more than capable of acting for

The prime definition of the so-called Taiwan Question had been, therefore, tied with the Chinese Civil War. Even though the British Government clearly stated that the retrocession has never taken place, and that Formosa and the Pescadores are territories the de jure sovereignty over which is uncertain or undetermined in 1955, the political intention of restoring the islands to China had already dominated the media back in the 1947, as the situation in Formosa was presented under the Chinese Civil War structure.

In Jan Wong’s entrancing expose Red China Blues, she details her plight to take part in a system of “harmony and perfection” (12) that was Maoist China. Wong discloses her trials and tribulations over a course of three decades that sees her searching for her roots and her transformation of ideologies that span over two distinctive forms of Communist governments. This tale is so enticing in due part to the events the author encountered that radically changed her very existence and more importantly, her personal quest for self-discovery.

On June 5, 1989, soldiers and tanks from China's People’s Liberation Army physically oppressed the student led protesters. The events surrounding this day are referred to as the Tiananmen Square Protest of 1989, a democracy movement calling for political and social reforms in the Republic of China. The deaths that occurred as a consequence of the Tiananmen Square Protest was not the fault of the students, but rather, the disastrous situation of China beforehand, the common belief that demonstrations would succeed, and the government’s obstinate decisions.

In recent years, China has become a worldwide superpower-seemingly out of nowhere. War-torn and sick of being trampled on by western powers, the Communist Party of China has given the almost 4,000 year old country a new lease on life. But all this newfound power and “prosperity” came at a price paid in sweat and blood. In the memoir Red Scarf Girl, Jiang Ji-Li recalls her experiences growing up during Chairman Mao’s “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution”, during a time where hundreds of thousands were unfairly persecuted and even tortured by their brainwashed friends and family. Although it is clear that my experiences and Jiang Ji-Li’s are very different, there are also some similarities.

From an international relations perspective, the Taiwan Strait, one of the most likely conflict zones in the Asia-Pacific region, has been dubbed the “Balkan Peninsula of the East.” The status of Taiwan has been one of the most intricate issues in international relations arena for the past decades. The Taiwan question is essentially an extension of the “two Chinas” problem, which creates a dilemma for accommodating

Trade exposes a country or civilization to foreign influences, thereby improving both cultures participating in said trade. For example, trade between Europe and Asia exposed Europe to Asian products, people, and culture and vice versa. The Chinese invented the compass, and this navigation device travelled along the Silk Road to Europe, where it helped improve trade over sea. Likewise, the Chinese were interested in European medicine, glassware, and precision instruments such as clocks. In conclusion, trade helps facilitate cultural and economic progress.

September 26, 1984 – the United Kingdom and the People’s Republic of China release the Joint Declaration, a document detailing the then future handover of the island of Hong Kong and its surrounding territories from British colonial rule, to rule by the PRC. Exactly thirty years later, hundreds of students rush over the security barricades of the central government building in Hong Kong with anger, tenacity, and fear in their eyes. Many are still youths, students from local secondary schools exercising their disappointment of modern Hong Kong in the only way they believe they can: protest, beginning a series of events now known as “The Umbrella Movement.” Four days earlier, however, hundreds had begun gathering around that building, unhappy with the current political system in place in Hong Kong, furious at the way the Beijing government of the PRC seemed to be closing in and suppressing their social and political freedoms. Though the protests were meant to be relatively peaceful demonstrations, the large collections of people disrupted traffic and business throughout Hong Kong. Soon Hong Kong police forces were called in to disperse the crowds, and when protesters refused to leave, the police resorted to the use of pepper spray and tear gas, causing an uproar among witnesses. In response, to protect themselves from the tear gas, protesters began carrying umbrellas to use as shields, thus the movement was dubbed “The Umbrella Movement.” In the following months, the series

In the year of 1989, the People’s Republic of China remains under a communist regime. As the world is moving forward with new technologies and innovations empowering new beliefs, democracy is becoming the next big government. China’s economy is slowly flourishing and their traditions still hang on. But with the increasing amount of western influences pouring into China through foreign trade, people are beginning to notice the wrong in communism. Citizens of China gradually learn more and more of the values and benefits of democracy and a small spark of change for a better government soon turns into a blazing inferno seen across the globe. The Tiananmen Square Protests of 1989 is related to this year’s theme of standing up because it sent shock

The Tiananmen Square Uprising also known as the “June Fourth Incident” was a student-led demonstration in Beijing. This regarded the more popular movement in Beijing protest during this period. Also, known as the “89 Democracy Movement” The protest was by force blocked after the government had declared Martial Law. Troops would ultimately kill several hundred protestors who tried to stop the military blockage with tanks and assault rifles. The civilian death rate was estimated between a few hundred to thousands. Soon a rapid economic development and social changes would follow in the post Mao-era China. These protesters would soon reflect the anxieties about the soon future for China. There was a reform in the 1980’s that had led a nascent

The main aspiration of the Kuomintang (KMT) officials of enacting the Martial Law was that they wanted Taiwan to become bastion for the future recovery of mainland People’s Republic of China (Chao and Myers, 2000: 387). If the communist regime would ever lose support and

China has always had a bitter feud with Japan over what Tokyo labels as the Senkaku Islands and Beijing calls the Diaoyu Islands. In 2012, emotionally charged anti-Japanese nationalist protests broke out across China, signaling the dissatisfaction of Chinese citizens towards Japan. This is particularly intriguing: any form of outward dissent, such as protests and demonstrations on a large scale, are decidedly rare within China. Why were the protests allowed to happen? In this paper, I briefly summarize the conflict in 2012, I explore why the Chinese government, usually anti-protest and anti-disturbance-of-peace would allow and approve such protests, and how it sends a signal of the Chinese government’s dissatisfaction with Japan’s actions. I explore the implications of by allowing these anti-Japanese protests to happen, China is signaling its willingness to take on a stronger role in the

interest and power by supporting Taiwan, and the United States is committed to the defence of Taiwan, but confronted with China Mainland, it is not helpful to the U.S., so, to avoid the policy of the question of China-Taiwan drift, the U.S. administrations will have to make policy in the U.S. interest, not in Taiwan’s interest.

Although the movement was a national reaction to imperialism, China's intellectuals analyzed that the imperialism was not the only threat to their nation; the considerable part of the problem was domestic. If in 1911, revolutionaries revolted against Manchus as non-Chinese outsiders in 1919, students would have recognized that the traitors were Chinese. The May fourth incident was an epochal event in Chinese history, and it is regarded as the turning point in modern Chinese history. It emerged during the early republican era and underscored the potential for radical change that the revolution of 1911 had unleashed. The attempt of this paper is to redefine the movement regarding modernity, democracy, and human rights, and illustrate the political and cultural consequences of it as the beginning of China's revolutionary era and the new stage after the Xinhai revolution.

When those words are being written down, a huge protest named “Occupy Central” is taking place in Hong Kong. At this critical moment of history, what impresses us first from the name of this protest is a power of space: Hong Kong people, who is regarded as the peripheral of China, by occupying the Central (a sub-center), strive for becoming visible and hearable to the center (Beijing) to resist their doomed future: an ostensible “direct election” in 2017, or even worse political sufferings that people cannot imagine. This highly intense political anxiety related to the mainland, since the postwar period, has accompanied Hong Kong people and been deeply internalized into their spatiotemporal experience. Based on a novella named “Nothing Happened” (什么都没有发生) from Hong Kong writer Chan Koon-chung, this paper tries to investigate how the Hong Kong protagonist’s anxiety of the future of his city, a temporal experience, however appears within a spatial, or precisely, geopolitical form, and furthermore, the paper tries to trace beneath the anxiety to the trauma that is interweaved with the (post)coloniality of Hong Kong.