The Use Of A Zipcode Not Only Divides Postal Routes

I live at 383 East, 143rd street and my zip code is 10454. It is an area in which Latinos are the main population. This area is called Mott Haven in which there are many public housing projects. I live in one of the housing project in which my neighbors I can see they are mainly Hispanics and Blacks. Around my specific zip code area, there are different neighborhoods. In addition, even though these neighbourhood are very close to each other, there are still a lot of differences between them. I will focus on the varieties of people’s races that inhabit certain areas of the zip code 10454 and how certain areas have more schools while other areas have more businesses.

In his essay, “Black Men and Public Space” Brent Staples a journalist explains that unconscious prejudice and racism exists against black men in our society. Unfortunately, these preconceived notions alter the way people respond to black males, making black men feel alienated. As an African American male, Staples supports this theory, providing people with insight into his own personal experiences. Brent discusses his childhood growing up in Chester, Pennsylvania, a city ridden with gang violence watching friends and family go to prison or end up murdered. His first encounter with racial stereotyping was a decade ago when he turned the corner one evening, keeping a distinct distance from a white female because she was cautiously watching

This article climbs into the struggle of young black males. Many issues that are recurring such as early school dropout, delinquency, poverty, unemployment, incarceration, fatherless, and they don’t have much of a chance to lead a successful life. Most black males are set up to fail at this rate and all this leads to a need to develop interventions to save those lost lives of the young black communities.

The article states “that income alone cannot explain, nor would it likely end, the segregation that has defined American cities and suburbs for generations” (Eligon and Gebeloff). Wealthy African American families are seen as still living in poverty stricken areas, even with their large income salaries (Eligon and Gebeloff). Essentially, there is a larger factor that is affecting where African Americans live. The many previous years of racism and ethnic discrimination are ultimately determining the location African Americans stay. When African Americans older generations could not buy an enjoyable house and pass down their riches, the newer generations have a difficult time putting themselves in a position to buy a house in a nice neighborhood (Eligon and Gebeloff). If an African American family is fortunate enough to live in a more upscale neighborhood, they are not always accepted by the members of the community (Eligon and Gebeloff). My aunt has recently moved into a suburban, mostly white neighborhood, and I have seen this taken place first hand. Within the first few months of their move in, my aunt and her family would receive questionable looks from neighbors as if they were not welcoming their newfound neighbor. While racism from neighbors is a large factor, there is another important element of racism that takes

The study examined data from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN). They created 847 census tracts to create 343 neighborhood clusters. The

Sanneh states, “A gentrification story often unspools as a morality play, with bohemians playing a central if ambiguous part: their arrival can signal that a neighborhood is undergoing gentrification, but so can their departure, as rising rents increasingly bring economic stratification” (Sanneh). This demonstrate gentrification is a social justice issue because it leads to economic stratification which refers to the grouping of people according to differences in income, occupation, power, privilege, manner of living, region where they live, age, gender or race. Martin Luther King defines injustice as, “any law that degrades human personality is unjust” (MLK 15). Many sociologists have researched how people, as they move from villages to cities, lose communal bonds and moral codes, which are essential to one’s psychological well-being. Many inner-city neighborhoods now constitute similarly vibrant communities, and leaving them can have profoundly negative consequences. To prevent such social dislocation, we need to lessen the incentives that are driving gentrification. We should increase the stock of housing, offer microcredit in poor neighborhoods, and provide legal protection against unscrupulous banks and real-estate agents. Otherwise, gentrification will continue to drive people from the places where they have

However, Wacquant brings the term “inner city” to light, breaking down its meaning: “black and poor.” Living in Chicago gives one an exemplary example of the term “inner city” meaning “poor, black ghettos.” The references to “inner city” schools being synonymous with “poor quality” and “mostly African American” are damaging to urban terminology and creating a predetermined perspective of those who call the “inner city” home. The “hypersegregation” of the city of Chicago is a topic within itself, but the institution of segregation is, without question, existent here. In addition, “inner city” is becoming a label which implies unavoidable incarceration.

Initially, while segregation in housing was legal, African-Americans were forced to live in certain neighborhoods, most of which were overcrowded and underfunded as the wealthier whites moved from city to suburb (“Housing”). In addition, the more prosperous African-Americans who had the ability to move into better neighborhoods were unable due to many suburbs not allowing minorities to live there or refusing to sell homes to minorities. Because a substantial segment of the middle-class white population moved to the suburbs, known as “white flight”, “cities became more polarized between the affluent and the poor” (“Fair”). The racist separation into lesser areas and increased poverty rates for African-Americans led to their continued economic oppression following civil rights legislation by forcing them to live in neighborhoods with worse conditions, such as poverty and overcrowding. Furthermore, as mortgage and foreclosure rates increased from financial discrimination, the quality of these neighborhoods began to decline rapidly. In 1990, houses within these lower rated neighborhoods were almost twice as likely to face overcrowding, and the estimated value of homes previously in the ‘A’ zone was $230,000, while in the ‘D’ zone, they were approximated to be worth just $89,000 (Appel and Nickerson). This stark contrast in value

Racial residential segregation remains at an all time high in the United States. Studies found that households with different races, but the same income reside in neighborhoods that have different economic and racial compositions. These patterns were discovered all over the world. The Census has developed “new patterns in neighborhoods with is described and compared to the average racial and economic composition of the neighborhoods of each racial/ethic group at each exact level of household income” (Fox, 2015). This will allow comparisons to be made across the metropolitan areas and show that patterns hold for all levels of income.

Within essay one, Black Men in Public Spaces by Brent Staples it describes the life and experiences of a young African American man living between Chicago and New York City over about a ten year span. Due to stereotypes on his race, society assumes he compliments them resulting in being viewed as dangerous

As stated by Basni and Hughes, (1997), in general, African Americans are more segregated than any other ethnic group, and they remain equally segregated in all income levels. Past evidence from 1977 shows high levels of white/black segregation within the metropolitan area. Within major cities, the dissimilarity within public residential housing is considered highly segregated in cities such as Boston at .776, Chicago at .878, and New York .820 (Bickford, Massey, 1991). In other contemporary evidence, the average value of the 2000 MSA (Metropolitan Statistical Area) lists the levels of black-white segregation at about .64, which is considered segregated. About two-thirds of black live in MSAs where the dissimilarity score exceeds .6 (DeFina and Hannon 2009). Even with keeping a variable, the density factor, constant at 3, black-white segregation decreases from .7 in 1990 to .68 in 2000 (DeFina and Hannon, 2009). This is a very minimal change in dissimilarity over the lengthy period of a decade. Even though there is a decrease of dissimilarity from the late 1970’s until the 2000 census this trend shows blacks still remain highly segregated from whites remaining above the .6 dissimilarity

This research article focuses on the formation and status of inner city families in America. It gives examples of racism towards African Americans and helps readers understand why there are segregated communities in America.

This study, known as the Gene, Environment, Neighborhood Initiative (GENI), incorporated a group test of 592 youths matured 13 through 18 and their essential parental figure. The youths and parental figures were from transcendently African American, low-wage neighborhoods in the Mobile, Alabama metropolitan measurable region (MSA), essentially the urban communities of Mobile (2010 populace approxi-mately 200,000) and Pritchard (2010 populace approxi-mately 20,000) [39]. As in numerous different urban communities in the United States, huge groupings of African Americans live in Mobile's low-pay neighborhoods, and these neighbor-hoods are topographically bunched and physically disconnected by regular and designed obstructions (e.g., thruways).

However, his theories rest on the idea that effected individuals must be able to realize how gentrification can provide upward mobility, as well as the idea that neighborhood improvement is both positive and negative. The problem with this theory is that the benefit, or detriments associated with gentrification are susceptible to change depending on the neighborhood or even the individual. Furthermore, the individuals interviewed frequently discussed gentrification in contemporary history, neglecting the first wave of urban renewal and anti-urban

In order to understand the relationship between poverty, race and class, I reviewed the poverty levels of New York City, my neighborhood’s (Fordham Road in the Bronx) zip code of 10468, and the East Village zip code of 10003. Out of a total population of 8,175,133, New York City has a poverty level of 20.6% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). In my neighborhood, which has a population of 76,103, the poverty level is 32.6% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Although this data seemed surprising to me, it was not meaningful without context, so I compared it to the East Village, where out of a total population of