Project Summary
This project analyzes the views of the Uyghur people of XInjiang, China with regards to recent Uyghur terrorist activities. It examines the role of economic and social integration of Uyghur people into the greater China nation. It will focus on the perceived lack of control of the Uyghur people and their marginalization by the Chinese government, This project proposes that terrorist tactics become more present when no other form of expression is available to societies with less economic and social mobility.
Intellectual Merit
This study utilizes methods and theory from socio-cultural anthropology and applicable historical research to further understand the unique situation of the Uyghur people. With additional
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The late 19th and early 20th century saw massive Han Chinese migration into the Xinjiang province following an attempted nationalist movement of the Uyghur people in creating an “East Turkestan” nation. As of 2010, Han Chinese make up nearly 40% of the population, up from less than 10% in 1920 (Spencer, 305). Xinjiang’s situation is often compared to that of Tibet, which has had it’s own nationalist movements, seen as seperatist movements by the Chinese government and has had varying degrees of international support. Like in Tibet, the Uyghurs in Xinjiang have seen severe government crackdowns on popular movements. Xinjiang has been a focal point of ethnic tension in China for the past several decades. Much of the unrest has taken the form of terrorist attacks on Han Chinese population centers or Chinese landmarks, such as the 2008 suicide bombing attempt on a China Southern Airlines flight (Davis, 2008), and a series of knife attacks in railroad stations and markets across Xinjiang and further south in Hebei province, which also has a sizable Uyghur population. Much of this unrest has been attributed to the Global Jihadi Movement by the Chinese government. As the Uyghur population is majority Muslim and reside in Central Asia, they are seen as susceptible to radical Islam. The concept of terrorism has previously been linked to faith, ethnicity and nationalism by anthropologists like Cynthia Mahmood, who in her book
“Terrorism's particularly heinous but highly attractive means to achieve political objectives or even radically restructure political foundations is manifest within societies in all reaches of the world. While the practical application of terrorist methodologies comes across as a relatively straightforward craft, the conceptual and ideological understanding, and subsequent evaluation of its socio-political influence, implementation, and psychological impacts present difficult questions, and in some cases conceivably insurmountable obstacles” (Romaniuk 2014, para
Q1. Terrorism is an act done by an individual or a group, using violence or the threat of violence to frighten people, in order to achieve a political, social or religious goal. The word “terrorism” comes from the French word terrorisme, meaning “to frighten.” Terrorism was originally referred specifically to state terrorism, which the French Government practised during the years 1793 – 1794 in the “reign of terror.” The roots and practices of terrorism can be traced back to 1st century AD in Judea where there was an assassination of Roman rulers. Terrorist ideology and aims vary from each individual and/or group. There has been over 2000 cases of terrorism driven by religious purposes. Religious terrorism is carried out due to motivations and goals in relations to religions or religious figures. An example of this are extremist groups such as Al Qaeda who justify their attacks by believing that these are commands given to them by the Koran. Political terrorists carry out violent acts to make a point with government leaders. An example of this is the assassination of Abraham Lincoln on April 15, 1865. Moral beliefs is another aim of terrorism. Moral issues such as anti-abortions have led to attacks, including abortion clinics and their staff in the late 1980’s.
The word “terrorism” was first used during the French Revolution when British statesman Edmond Burke used the term to describe the actions of the Jacobin-dominated French government. Under the leadership of Maximilien Robespierre, thousands of people that were said to be enemies of the state were put on trial and then executed by use of the guillotine (O 'Connor, 2006). However, since the inception of the word, it has taken on a new meaning. One can now hear the word “terrorism” and be overcome by anger or even fear. Terrorism now seems to have turned to attacks against a government rather
Perhaps it is in human nature to turn to violence in turbulent times. We often overlook the violence that goes hand in hand with great historical change. And, as the victors write history, often the violence that acts as the cornerstone of societies are toned down and forgotten. During the Cultural Revolution in China, violence forced its way into the everyday life of the people. Everyday people— peaceful farmers, city folk— became the vehicle for immense violence in both a severe and widespread scope. This violence, while operating within the bounds of human nature, is motivated by a social requirement to prove one’s dedication to the CCP, “soldiers” who become carried away with newfound power and government encouragement, forcing ideology by brute force, retaliation, personal pride or protection, and human instinct to resort to violence; and can occur in any society.
They elucidate that terrorism is a “premeditated, politically motivated, violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by subnational groups of clandestine agents, usually intended to influence an audience,” (National Institute of Justice).
Even since China’s rapid development of the 1990’s, to this day there is still a large degree of unrest encompassing all it’s minority groups. One such group is the Uyghur people, of whom reside in China’s northwest region of Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, more commonly referred to as the Xinjiang province. This minority group face a definite number of cultural, social, political and economic deficiencies and as a result have been said to of overseen over ten savage attacks in the
Extremism is often the consequence of forced cultural adaptation and oppression. The China Boxer Rebellion is one such example of extremism. While 9/11 may appear to be an isolated incident led by Bin Laden and his Al-Qaeda fanatics, it is far from being unique. The rise of Stalin, the creation of The Shining Path and the Boxer Rebellion of China to 9/11 all share a commonality; It is that when people are disenfranchised, they are more prone to radical ideologies.
Terrorism has been an important part of social behavior for over 2,000 years. Between the years of 1980 and 1995, terroristic groups motivated by religious beliefs had increased by 43% (Hoffman). Religious beliefs and culture are a main reason groups and individuals resort to terrorism. Groups resort to terrorism as a consequence of seeing their culture demolished, as well as religious motives. Terrorist groups have many intentions when it comes to acts of terrorism. They main ones are they want to create fear globally, weaken the government, and obtain universal recognition for what they have done. Religiously motivated terrorist groups usually have high authority targets. These targets include government offices, banks, and national airlines. From the group’s perspective, terrorism is the only practical option. Groups are formed centered on certain factors like culture and religion. Many terrorists will receive support from their followers
Terrorism dates to 1605, and the term was coined in the French revolution, Donahoe, H (2006). Whether it be the UK or further a wide, ideologies are set, thus meaning terrorism can exist, because of competing theories of ideologies. This can be better explained by actions of the IRA and IS, and the analysis of their similarities.
Today, in the oil-rich Xinjiang Province of Northwestern China, millions of Turkic-speaking Uyghurs live in constant fear. Beards and headscarves banned. Mosques barred from broadcasting the azan, the Islamic invocation of prayer. Unjustified rape of Uyghur women. Protesting for basic human rights gets you written on a list of pan-Turkist counter-revolutionaries. Receiving phone calls from foreign relatives gets you a visit from the secret police. And still, to the apparent dismay of the CCP, the ethnic identity of Uyghurs still exists, after decades of state-sponsored repression. Why do the Uyghurs vehemently oppose Han Chinese integration? Why has the CCP taken unprecedented steps to forcibly assimilate ethnic Chinese Muslims? The creation of a nationalist Han Chinese identity grounded in an atheist communist state in 1949 engendered conflicts with Chinese ethnic Muslim minorities, due to failed coercive integration and assimilation efforts and socioeconomic policy.
Faced with an alarming rise in Xinjiang violence over the last two years, Beijing is searching for a high-visibility, public solution. Most recently, officials’ attention has settled on the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC), known informally in Chinese as bingtuan (‘Corps’). While it has been a martial organization in name and structure since its inception, the international media is getting ahead of itself in playing up the military role played by Xinjiang’s bingtuan. Controlling 700,000 hectares, almost 30% of Xinjiang’s arable land, along with 2.6 million residents in its cities, the is first and foremost a bureaucratic corporation.
On September 23rd 2014, China found the prominent Uyghur scholar Ilham Tohti guilty of “separatism” and sentenced him to life in prison. This ruling came as a shock to the international community, for he has been the foremost advocate of peacefully resolving Uyghur ethnic unrest in China. Ilham Tohti is an ethnically Uyghur economist, professor, writer, and public intellectual who has been spearheading the vanguard of cultivating mutual understanding and respect amongst Han and Uyghur Chinese. He has been steadfast on working within the system to finding a solution that will be mutually beneficial for the Communist Party and the Uyghur ethnic minorities in Xinjiang, home to many of China’s ethnic Turkic Muslims. Even in the face of adversity, he has been outspoken and quick to criticize the missteps of the Communist Party’s governance and policies towards Xinjiang province and its Muslim minorities. Due to that, the CCP views him as a threat, rather than a solution, to the extreme affairs of episodic ethnic and political unrest in Xinjiang. With the growing resentment from the Uyghur populous towards government’s policies, the tensions in the Xinjiang region between Muslim Uyghur minorities and Han Chinese have escalated to waves of “terrorist” attacks around China, with the recent stabbing in Kunming, being dubbed as “China’s 9/11”. In response, the CCP has imposed a more oppressive campaign to crackdown on the separatists and stabilize the region. In this plight,
Interestingly, notwithstanding a want of the word “terrorism” in Imperial China and workable official legal definition of terrorism in modern China, terrorist-like activities have long existed and been viewed as politically motivated violence against the state.
The Chinese government’s policies toward the Uyghur’s in Xinjiang is broken down into two broad categories. The first category consists of policies that are focused on the assimilation and social and economic development of Uyghur’s. These policies include regulations on minorities’ languages, and affirmative action policies in education. The second category is made up of what is called “hard” policies. This hard approach includes restrictions on civil liberties such as freedom of assembly, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press. Beginning in the early 200s, the Chinese
The PRC has recurrently emphasized the importance of interethnic integration of the Uyghurs into a Han dominated society. Regardless, the Uyghurs see this as otherwise a way of being oppressed and undermined by the central government. Compared to the Muslims that are living in eastern and central China, the Uyghurs “face more restrictions on their religious expression and way of life” (Poh) such as praying in schools, women being criticized on wearing headscarves, and even studying the Qur’an in Arabic is controlled. Furthermore, since more Han Chinese have been moving into the Xinjiang area, economic contingencies as well as the dominant use of Han Chinese has been “gradually phased out in most educational institutions in Xinjiang” (Poh). While Beijing has incessantly asserted that the developments made to the area has significantly improved the Uyghur’s livelihood, the minority group cannot help but to still resonate the deep-seated bitterness stemmed from “decades’ worth of discrimination, perceived religious and cultural suppression, and economic disparities” (Poh). These increasing ethnic tensions have resulted in significant inter-ethnic violence in Xinjiang such as the 2009 riot in Urumqi where fights against the Uyghurs and the Han Chinese police force broke out all from protesting the equality for Uyghur working institution. Another deliberate event which the police have been criticizing it as a “terrorist” attack is the