Tom Bradley's Dream

The 1964 American election between Lyndon B. Johnson and Barry Goldwater has strong similarities with the 2016 election between Hillary Clinton and Donald J. Trump. In both cases, the democrat candidates focused more on their counterpart’s rhetoric rather than uphold their own ideas in an attempt to persuade voters to support them. This essay will argue that the Democrat candidates of the 1964 and 2016 elections, in many instances, instead of focusing on their political proposals, focused on anti-intellectualism by emphasizing their opponent’s extremist right-winger rhetoric. This comparison shows the enduring trends of right-wing extremism, racial conflicts, and republican divisiveness. To prove this argument, this text will analyze Democrat campaign advertisements in both campaigns, Nelson A Rockefeller speech at the 1964 National Republican convention and Jeb Bush interview to NBC.

In 1944, Primus King, a black man registered to vote in Georgia, attempted to cast a ballot in the Democratic primary. He was turned away by a police officer who escorted him off the premises of the Muscogee County Courthouse. This was a time in Georgia where the Democratic Party controlled all of the politics in Georgia and in the South. Primus King’s challenge to the white primary was planned by a group of black civil rights

Alexander summarizes her interpretation of the period when a number of black individuals were elected into government offices with the phrase “black faces in high places.” By this she means that although black individuals were elected, this development actually obscured the problem rather than remedied it. Alexander writes that in 1974, 64 percent of new federal employees came from minority backgrounds. These changes helped a relatively small group of African American households, and left the rest behind. On account of these changes, the idea that hard work was the way blacks could overcome institutional challenges was born. By masking the government’s responsibility to help all African American households, colorblindness led the public to believe the country

"Why John Brown Still Scares Us." ["American History"]. American History, vol. 46, no. 5, Dec. 2011, pp. 38-45. EBSCOhost, search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=khh&AN=66520584&site=hrc-live. Accessed 08 March, 2017

“It was time, I thought, for someone to stand up for what’s right; and it might as well be me.” Ivan Allen Jr. wrote these words in a journal just days after the Atlanta mayoral election of 1961. Allen Jr. made the decision early on in his political career to base his choice-making not on the polls, but on his own moral values. He possessed a certain quiet strength that made him an admirable character in the political scene. His fortitude of character and bravery enabled him to become one of the most impactful mayors in our nation’s history.

Meanwhile at the moment New Orleans was being tested for a change in democracy. “If a black detective found the Digby baby or her abductors, it might help dispel white fears that black policemen would not solve or punish crimes committed by black against whites” (20). This case of the kidnap represented an opportunity for the governor to back off the Democrats from their accusations of incompetence and corruptions by proving interracial

In “Populist Dreams and Negro Rights: East Texas as a Case Study,” Lawrence Goodwyn keys in on the triumphs of the People 's Party in Grimes County, Texas. I discovered Populism in Grimes County is the narrative of an interracial alliance that had its beginning in Reconstruction and persevered for more than an era. I resolved why the long post-Reconstruction period emerges as the social request that has been composed progressively along racial lines; the time period encroached as a brief gleaming light in parts of the South. I learned how some white Southerners have generally been a spread for the district 's skepticism and other issues. Goodwyn establishes a viewpoint about the possible results for a greater number of individuals voting in a free society. I understand that the variables of pressure and coercion caused an end to influence at the polling stations; there was corruption occurring with vote counts. The Grimes County story significantly describes this disappointment; however in the understanding, it gives into the hidden legislative issues of black disfranchisement and the accomplishment of a solid single-party political environment in the American South it is not one of a kind.

Published by the New York Times under the Opinion section, the audience for this article is any interested reader. At the time it was released, November 18th, 2016, this article arrived during last year’s elections, in which a large, but surprising number of Americans voted for candidate Donald Trump, shocking many forecasters who had predicted otherwise. Therefore, after the election, many people may have been researching the demographics of the election, and this article, which briefly shared Brooks’ opinion on the nature of the election and how viewing others through the lens of a dominant identity influenced how the votes fell where they did, may have caught a keen reader’s eye. Also, this article came at a time where racism and prejudice caused many problems, leading some to view others as one-dimensional, represented only by a skin color or religion. Since prejudice and hate is still a large issue today, tackling this problem helps make this article relevant, nearly a year after its release.

Although tensions existed between both blocs, Harold Washington was able to prove that African American, like whites, could effectively run politics. The Mayor was able to renew the face of Chicago politics through a “rainbow coalition” that entailed the inclusion to high positions in the city government of “minorities, women, progressive whites and gays”. City agencies were more accountable, funds for social services were now given “to churches, social service organizations, and community organizations” so in this way there was not a patronage system been execute. He provided to many different communities the power needed to progress, a vision never seen before in Chicago. However, the City Council Wars saw an increased in the number committees going from 29 to 37 benefiting the “majority bloc supporters with chairmanships” and the budget for more council staff also grew. The end of Council Wars occurred when elections for aldermen took place in seven wards where racial inequality existed in Byrne’s remapping (CH7).

It is election season in the Port City. Throughout the summer, and well into the fall, leaders of Wilmington’s Democratic party soaked their campaign speeches in the language of white supremacy and patriotism. The Democrats had lost everything in 1894. Their attacks on economic reform and farmers’ rights made them unpopular and allowed Republicans and Populists to sweep the state in 1894, creating a successful Fusion alliance. The Fusion movement extended full political participation to black North Carolinians and honored the black vote with opportunities for political office . Black office holders, in turn, supported the economic growth of black communities through civil service appointments and

Throughout the semester we have touched upon many instances for which the legal history of America effects the life of a black America, especially in “We Shall Overcome” Alexander Tsesis takes on the task of looking at civil rights through the “lens of legal history’. “The Ballot or The Bullet” displays the political message that the ‘ballot’ is freedom, and thus power through the freedom to vote. Malcom X hounds in on the political idea that the white man preys on the black man for votes, but then allows filibustering to happen in the Senate so nothing gets passed to promote equality for black Americans. Alexander writes frequently through the book how skewed politics become for blacks once their vote is legalized. That although, they can

The topic of race, redistricting, and minority representation in Congress has emerged as one of the most salient issues in contemporary political thought. The creation of so‑called majority minority districts has been attacked as unfair and racially polarizing by some observers and ultimately struck down as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. The study of race in relation to American politics and institutions, and, in particular, to the institution of Congress, has produced a wealth of research and literature in recent years. This scope of budding research ranges from legislative activity and Congressional voting to the electoral process and campaigning. This study examines the effects of

Devinatz focuses the article on the similarities between the new president elect, Donald J. Trump and the 1968 election of George Wallace. Devinatz informs the reader that while Donald Trump’ presidency was an event that took the nation by surprise, mostly white union members voted for Trump just like they voted for Wallace because their campaign strategy was similar. Devinatz exclaims that Wallace used comparable rhetoric to Trump’s to get the crowd on his side at rallies, the rhetoric they both used was racial rhetoric. Wallace and Trump used the racial fears that immigrants and people of color would take the white Americans jobs to get the votes and gain political power. The overall argument Devinatz is making is that presidential canidates

His primary strategy seemed solidified and safe; to "focus on Yorty's shortcomings as mayor" (O’Loughlin and Berg 1977, 227). Almost immediately, Bradley ran into a fatal problem. He could not win with just the support of the African-American community, who knew the accusations from 1969 were false from the beginning, for the community consisted of "less than 18 percent" (Parker 2001, 153) of Los Angeles' total population. In order to win, Bradley had to appeal to a broader constituency. His new, risky campaign strategy was a bold recovery; to "appeal to the majority...without alienating his black support base" (Parker 2001,

Although Plummer never shared his father’s enthusiasm for the family business, he had spent the last nine years working with his father in the company. Plummer followed in his father's footsteps. He began working at Our Town America at age 5, stuffing envelopes. But by the time he graduated from high school, he had other ideas. "Everybody has a dream," Plummer says. "I wanted to do medicine." At 20, he declined an offer to join the family business, with a salary of $65,000, and enlisted in the Army.