Transnational Feminism And Key Factors Within A Transnational Perspective Essay

The main arguments of Mohanty, Liederman, and Sen have similarities and differences. First, Mohanty’s main argument emphasizes the issue of white Western women belittling those of other cultures and ethnicities within the feminist movement. By asserting a universal notion of womanhood, these white Western women show ethnocentric universality through their ignorance of how the meaning of femininity, oppression, and liberation in the women’s movement vary in ethnic and cultural contexts (Mohanty, 1984, p. 335). By using a mindset that ignores ethnic differences, they therefore falsely construct and analyze “third world women,” believing that these women desperately need help to advance in society. Mohanty argues that in order for a feminist movement to advance, women must discontinue a paternalistic method of marginalizing women of different ethnicities to recognize the varied meanings of femininity, oppression, and liberation and enhance their solidarity and effectiveness as a whole group. This ethnocentrism is also present in Liederman’s

According to the United Nations, a full 2/3rd of the world’s illiterate population are female. A person’s level of education is a great determining factor for his or her success in life both socially and economically. This startling number is just one example that demonstrates basic gender inequalities exist and are still very relevant in today’s society. So with this and other examples in mind, it would be easy to believe that those who identify themselves as “feminist” would have the same vision regarding gender equality and how best to achieve it. If this is true, then it could be said that feminist all over the world would belong to a single “global sisterhood.” For a global sisterhood to exist, the members of the sisterhood must have a foundation of shared experience and rely on this in to determine the goals and methods of the movement. However in reviewing several primary and secondary sources, a person can see that simply being female, or having empathy for the female cause, is just not enough. I believe that these sources show that the basic foundational differences with respect to race, economics, culture, and the passage of time, are the cause of the major disagreements between feminists. This is what makes it nearly impossible for a feminist global sisterhood to exist.

The first assumption argues that “western” feminist discourses emphasize that all women are bound together by a shared oppression and are powerless (53-54). Mohanty systemically explores this theory through an in depth analysis of five categories in which women of the third world are traditionally presented as homogenous victims by “western” feminist. The first two categories, women as victims of male violence and women as universal dependents, arguably offer the most straightforward deconstruction of the gendered body of knowledge that is power. Women, especially women of the third world, are all seen as victims of male violence and control (54). All women are defined as powerless, and all men are defined as powerful (55). Similarly, all women are defined as powerless dependents in the second category. Mohanty argues, “this is because descriptive gender differences are transformed into the divisions between men and women” (55). This division possesses a privileged position as the explanation for the oppression of women (56). Therefore, women are seen as a powerless group no matter what the historical or cultural situation because they are deemed so prior to any analysis (56).

The call for feminism marks the beginning of an extensive journey with the quest to inspire women and to advocate women right in a male governed the world. Gloria Anzaldúa and Maxine Kingston both scrutinize feminism in the framework of “Borderland: La Frontera: The New Mestiza” and “The Women Warrior” encouraging women to occupy a strong position in the post-colonial male led civilization. The author both traces the journey of women struggle to achieve rewarding role within the structure shaped by men. The alliance of different voice from disregarded women gestures a strong theme that inspires Maxine Hong Kingston and Gloria Anzaldua to write enthusiastically within the feminist topic to dispute the patriarchal society.

Marilyn Frye has universal definition of oppression as being “a system of interrelated barriers and forces which reduce, immobilize, and mold people who belong to a certain group and effect their subordination to another group” (7). Feminists are working to dismantle the restrictive powers to create equivalent opportunities for all people. On paper, it seems black and white because everyone is working together towards the same goal of equality. On the ground, the divisions of gray can be seen between the vast variety of methods and opinion. As the tension builds, there are two main camps formed: The Western feminist and the Non-Western feminist. (While I personally object to this terminology because of its Eurocentrism, I have yet to find alternatives that encompass the same meaning so it will have to stay standing as imperialist as it is.) Both sets of activists have different roles within these current predicaments facing the unjust treatment of women. Western feminists find themselves in a stalemate of passing critical judgement on another culture or standing aside and letting the injustice continue. Non-Western feminists are working against the oppression in their society as well as the overreaching Western feminists before they can make their voices heard. Therefore, my argument is that Western feminism needs be revised into becoming the megaphone for Non-Western feminist issues. That way ideas from people on the ground are not disregarded and those on the outside who

Feminism and gender inequality are not just issues that women face in the US, but the entire world. Comparatively, women in the US are actually treated much better than women of other countries, such as those in the Middle East, where women have no rights and are seen as property. Talk about objectification! Transnational feminism takes a look at the same women’s issues that we have in the US and how they affect women in other countries. Transnational feminism also takes into account the various cultural difference that might also affect these issues and create other issues that women of different origins might face. Likewise, these cultural differences also affect the social construction of gender and maintain gender inequality. For example, Asian and African countries still abide by the very traditional patriarch lifestyle, in which the men are the “breadwinners” and women do the housework and take care of the children. Because many of these countries have corrupt governments, women remain having no rights due to the fear of punishment they would receive for trying to combat these issues. It is hard to fight for rights when some countries don’t even consider women as humans, but this is where transnational feminists come in. They fight for equal rights for all women, regardless of their ethnicity, race, sexuality, size, age, etc. because women are worthy of fair treatment and shouldn’t have to prove that.

This paper will not be able to cover the complexity of feminism as a whole since it has become a very broad subject. In addition, feminism has also been a heavily debated issue that has been around for numerous years. The argument of feminism is that women are, and always have been throughout history, treated differently than men by society. Therefore, women are being stripped down of opportunities to their benefit economically, socially, politically, culturally, and several more ways. This essay will highlight and analyze the cultural aspects of feminism from the texts of Kate Chopin’s novel The Awakening, Donald Hall’s “Feminist Analysis” from Literary and Cultural Theory, Charlotte Gilman’s short story ”The Yellow Wallpaper”, Kate Chopin’s short story “The Story of an Hour”, and Tillie Olsen’s short story “Tell Me A Riddle.” Cultural feminism, the ideology of the roles and stereotypical characteristics of women. Therefore, women are unable to express themselves due to being oppressed by patriarchal society. Thus, preserving and nurturing “female culture” will benefit society. As a final point, this paper will point out and identify women being isolated from their culture and personal values.

Inequality between the sexes is evident. Throughout history, many events took place with the aim to expand women’s rights. These events, as well as the ideologies involving inequality, create the feminist movements. In retrospect, many rights have been granted for women since the rise of the notion of gender imbalance. However—many issues involving the advocacy for women’s rights and the thinking behind it still exist today.

In “Genealogies, Legacies, Movements” from Feminism & Race by Chandra Mohanty and Jacqui Alexander, both are feminist theorists, critiques feminism by addressing that women studies set many contradictions causing women of color to experience alienation within white institutions. The reason for discriminating of their color and their nationalities and being deemed as immigrants. Mohanty and Alexander also explained how feminist genealogies can help shape their way of how to form a feminist democracy. All through international conferences and the world global market also known as free market feminism which demonstrated the democratic futures. Which addressed their experiences, history of women however women studies and gender studies still focused

The idea of “Feminism” is seen in the eyes of many as “women who want to be more masculine” whenever its true meaning is just women who want equality and the same respect and opportunities that men have. This belief has been built up over time through many different perspectives which is why it had turned into the negative idea of what it is. This idea of “Feminism” affected the social hierarchy and system where people were categorized based upon their sex and the social impact it made created and resolved multiple social issues. The idea of “Feminism” impacted the interactions between men and women and the morals of society and through this created power in women as well introduce a long needed new peace amongst the sexes.

Through this course we seek to understand the role sexuality plays within the discourse of globalization. By doing so we must understand the constructions, establishments, and regulation within cultures brought forth through globalization. When examining both the local and the global of these eight pieces, we can argue that society is unable to accept change, or anything that fits the preconceived notions of heterosexuality. Within these articles we analyze different regions and see the unwillingness to accept gender justice in societies, understand the public and private dimensions of feminism rights and collective vs, individual human rights, what impacts transnational and neoliberal governance, and analyze gender politics and economic rights.

Feminism is not about the belittling of men, but instead, having equality for both men and women. Transnationality is the idea of carrying actions and ideas across borders. In other words, transnational feminism, is the carrying out of equality of women and men across borders for it is an act of justice. In an excerpt by Wendy Hesford and Elleen Schell, they stated “transnational feminism might be best characterized as an interdisciplinary analytic attentive to the constraints of neoliberalism and to the power differential and inequalities that shape geopolitical alignment.” However, to me, transnational feminism is simpler that what Hesford and Schell stated, because transnational feminism is the spreading of the notion that ALL people are

Feminism and feminist social theory unlike other theoretical perspectives is woman-centered and inter-disciplinary, hence promotes methods of achieving social justice. The feminism and feminist social theory takes into consideration three questions, what of the women? Why is the present social world as it is today? Additionally, how can the social world be changed to make it more just for the women and all people alike? In recent developments, feminist theorists have begun questioning the differences between women. The areas under question include race, ethnicity, class, age intersect, and gender. In summation, the feminist theory involves the concern with giving women world over voice, and highlighting how they have contributed to the

In Transnational Cycles of Gendered Vulnerability: Theory of Global Gender, Alison Jaggar argues that across the globe, women are entrapped in cycles of poverty, abuse, and disenfranchisement of multiple varieties. Part of her argument emphasizes women 's lack of education, which contributes to their inability to find work, escape abusive relationships etc. While I agree that women worldwide are continuous victims of vicious patriarchal oppression and subjection, and that said despotism should be viewed as a universal injustice, Jaggar’s particular view of the role of education, race, socioeconomic status and sexuality is fallacious. Her criticism of Susan Moller Okin’s theory of gendered vulnerability relies heavily on her perceived privilege of the “traditional woman” in the United States that Okin was describing; White, upper class, and heterosexual. In doing this, Jaggar subsequently downplays the education levels and accomplishments of minority women, portraying their setbacks as correlated to race, or class, instead of gender. Additionally, she dismisses the subjective plights of white, straight, rich women, implying that they are not included in the realm of oppression and subjection to patriarchy because of the advantages they have in other spheres. This leads to a cycle that discredits and stigmatizes most women. I will be arguing that even though privilege in other spheres appears to transpire into an advantage in the sexual sphere, to use this as the basis of a

Marianne Marchand’s article ‘Challenging Globalisation: Towards a Feminist Understanding of Resistance’ was published in a 2003 edition of the Review of International Studies. It represents one of the first attempts within International Relations to elaborate a gendered politics of resistance in relation to Globalisation. For the most part, it offers sound and sophisticated analysis that is conceptually accessible, however, this review will point to some areas where the analysis is somewhat weaker than desired. Marchand’s analysis incorporates real world examples of resistance to globalisation. The paper will also seek to analyse whether the conceptual provisions made within the article are adequate to achieve her stated aims, and indeed if her conceptual apparatus is sound enough to be considered valid.