Unrestricted Capitalist Development and the International Monetary Fund: Their Economic and Social Effects on Buenos Aires. Argentina

On 7 June 1969, hundreds of Puerto Ricans gathered in Spanish Harlem, New York City to protest the arrest of Juan" Fi" Ortiz for a series of falsified crimes.[2] As a crowd gathered outside the People 's Church in El Barrio, Felipe Luciano addressed those assembled asserting that, " We will not allow the brutalization of our community to go on without a response. For every Puerto Rican that is brutalized, there will be retaliation."[3]Luciano 's statements were not ignored, and as the crowd filtered into the streets their shouts of Despierta, Boricua. Defiende lo tuyo filled the air.

A consequence of this massacre is the enhanced mistrust of the police force in the favelas. This is because the people of the favela are afraid that the police could come into their homes at anytime and shot everyone, or that the police could do anything they want without repercussions for it, while the favela residents could not do anything unless they wanted to get

Argentina is a well known case study of the failure or negative outcome of some IMF's standard policies. In fact, Argentina carefully applied policies dictated by IMF, but, until it stuck up with those policies, it couldn't step out from its crisis, and it ran into even deeper economic and social problems. This failure of the IMF has often been cited as the demonstration of unsuitability of the standard IMF approach (the usual so-called Washington Consensus) for solving economic crisis in developing countries (Serra & Stiglitz, 2008, p. 44). Also, this failure led to hostile feelings versus IMF among the population of Argentina (Kanenguiser, 2000) and fueled generalised suspects over IMF decision-making process being politicized and serving

During the movie Machuca it was evident that there were severe tensions between the classes. This can be seen through many of the characters in the movie. However, in this report I will discuss which two characters who better represented the class tensions and why. I will then conclude with how this parallels with the tensions that were found in Allende’s government at the time, which consequently resulted in the democratic breakdown of Chile.

All they wanted was an answer to one question “Where were their children? Their sons and daughters were “missing” and all they were told was” We don’t have any answers! The citizens were afraid, even high authorities of religious groups turned a blind eye. In 1977, with Argentina under a violent military dictatorship, a group of mostly house wives living in a fear oppressed state made a stand and found their voice. They demanded to be heard and while the regime was enforcing their control and power over Argentinians political views through torture and disappearance; a mother’s devotion to her child and the political resistance transformed these mothers into a political force. They are the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, who effectively mounted a civil rights movement that forced the top military officials to be charged for their crimes and have sustained an

An important factor, which contributed to the Zoot Suit Riots, was the influence of the media. Newspapers and propaganda began to detriment the appearance of Pachucos and zoot suits. This dynamic added to the strong anti-Mexican sentiment, and led to the spread of hysteria during the war. In addition, the encouragement from the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD), as well as the presence of the servicemen in Los Angeles immediately led to the riots. Although all these factors contributed to the riots, they all fail to address the important underlying psychological stressors, which caused tension against the Pachucos’ style. Therefore, I claim that that the Girardian persecution dynamic, based on lack of difference between the Pachucos and the patriotic Americans, contributed mainly to the riots.

Chavez compares his argument with his opposition’s argument of violent resistance. This contrast makes one argument seem better. The author promotes nonviolent resistance as “our means of achieving justice for our people,” which may seem like a lofty task, but not when the other option “brings no honor to any class or community.” Blatantly minimizing violence reveals its

Chavez makes the point that marches, strikes, and boycotts are not the only weapons of violence. He points out that the boycott as Gandhi taught “is the most nearly perfect instrument of nonviolence change.” This allowed the masses of people to participate actively in a cause. This appeal of ethos demonstrates that violence does not work, it just causes more riots. People suffer from violence, and it is unsuccessful. Chavez uses ethos to emphasize to the readers that violence gets you nowhere, and nonviolence is more

It all started when the students decided to organize and protest against the violence exerted by the riot police. During the previous months, Mexico City witnessed a series of student protests and rallies against repression and violence. (“Mexico 's 1968 Massacre”) for example on August 13, a large demonstration of around 150,000 participants gathered to protest, a protest that ended outside of the palace of governor. On 13 September the "march of silence ”took place, this was a protest of more than 250,000 people, where they all remained silent to prevent the police put the pretext of provocation by students (“Movimiento estudiantil de 1968”).

Colombia is a Latin American country located in South America that has been ravaged by violence, starvation, and large-scale inequality between higher and lower classes. The chaos in Colombia has been between rebel forces and the government and has lasted for over fifty years. These rebel forces have fought to achieve their Liberalist lead goals of overthrowing the current democratic government of Colombia and replacing it with a communist government. La Violencia was the main contributor to the conflict between the resistance fighters of Colombia and the Colombian government that has brought on violence and terror from the violent actions between the Liberal and Conservative parties in the 1950’s. , which has directly brought on the violence and terror from the guerrilla groups.

The author described the rebellion to be very violent as she states in lines 64-68 “at the other end of the Midan, from the roof of the American University, the snipers were watching us, too silently. Everywhere there was continuous thud of guns and from time to time a loud, intermittent rattling sound.” Thus, the protest left more than one hundred people dead people and many more injured, many streets and buildings destroyed. This revolution is a great example of how people rebel against authority.

The opposition organizations in Uruguay and Peru, however, were quite different from Chile and Argentina, because they involved leftist, Marxist organizations that turned to more militant means to oppose the state. In fact, the difference is evident in how the films State of Siege and The Dancer Upstairs portray the Uruguayan Tupamaros in and Peruvian Sendero Luminoso. State of Siege shows the Uruguayan Tupamaros slowly develop from an apparently peaceful organization to a more militant one. In the beginning of the film, the Tupamaros appear professional, composed and nonthreatening as they drive around stealing people’s cars.

During the Argentine dictatorship known as the Dirty War (1976-1983), thousands of people were systematically abducted by the government in order to eliminate all opposition to the regime. These "disappearances," which the dictatorship never admitted to committing, happened across class and age lines, but most of the kidnapped were young students and blue-collar workers. Despite the fact that associations and meetings of any kind were forbidden, a group of housewife mothers decided to protest the disappearance of their children. They began to gather every Thursday afternoon at the same time in the main square in Buenos Aires, Plaza de Mayo, walking alone or in pairs

Met the highest authorities of the State in all its levels; there was talk of security, on budgets, talked about money, investment and nothing was said almost nothing of the tremendous insecurity in which we live the Bolivians in all parts of the country. We live no longer a wave or a high peak of violence, but rather a constant that is repeated; no longer provides enough to consider this as an exception, but as a norm to the citizens we must resign ourselves.

Your prediction during this call is as best as am, “nobody will be willing to face the gun”, but I was proven wrong as the citizenry marched out promptly occupying major squares and some confronting the juntas and over-power them. I concluded that this is epic and not ordinary, as it is unprecedented in the history of the world that citizens put an end to a coup, hence prompting this study of