What Is The Public Appointments Commission?

"Classical Organizational Theory deals with the 'systematic processes necessary to make bureaucracy more efficient and effective.' Name three scholars that are credited with the development of classical organization thought that most correctly fit into this definition of Classical Organizational Theory. What were the basic arguments articulated by each in their contributions to the development of Classical Organizational Theory?"

Canada). As shown by McGuinty’s secret meeting, this process lacks all the things mentioned above; therefore, I believe that McGuinty chose the wrong process to make this decision. The right process would have involved those that would be affected by this decision. Instead they were purposely kept in the dark, which eliminated the possibility of free speech.

The Special Joint Committee of the House of Commons and the Senate was implemented in 1980 in the wake of the Quebec referendum on independence. The goal of the committee was to hear submissions from the public on amendments to the Constitution. In a three-month consultation period, 914 individuals and groups submitted briefs before the committee (Clément, 2015). Hoping to have a direct impact on the Canadian constitution and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, five organizations

The prime minister has a significant amount of power within the Canadian government. Some of the sources of the prime minister’s powers are the number of seats in the House of Commons he and his party has, his ability to give push/give priority to certain government agendas, and his ability to appoint different governmental positions. For a politician to hold the office of PM his party must hold the majority of the seats in the house; this means that by convention his party must be in solidarity with his decisions, which gives the PM’s the loyal support of his party. Another power of the PM is the ability to put forward government agendas that they believe should be prioritized. The PM also has the ability to appoint people who they believe

nominating people to be appointed to a department, and removal of people from a department.

Eleven members that are selected by the governor, none of them will be a member of the legislature at the time of the offer. The speaker of the house of representatives and the president of the senate will selection seven members each. The commission will then consider the state budgetary process, the tax structure of the state, and governmental productivity and efficiency. They will then examine policy and discuss if it meets the needs of the state during the next twenty years. They will discuss options favored by citizens of the state to supply the needs of the state. They will also examine constitutional limitations on taxation at the local level. They will also review state’s comprehensive planning and needs assessment processes to decide if the information supports or denys the decision.

The Canadian Prime Minister presents the illusion that this so-called democratic Canada is run by the will of the people and attempts to maintain this image, yet the truth is that the power stays

The Canadian Senate has been a long standing problematic section of the Canadian government and since its creation in 1867 and has been scrutinized for its effectiveness and purpose. In recent years, concerns have been raised and approaches have been suggested into reforming the Senate. Those in favour of taking drastic measures to reform or even abolish the Senate agree that the Senate is not functioning and not a trustworthy part of Canadian government. However, there are those who view that the Senate can still be saved say it has a purpose in the Canadian government since it serves a vital function in passing Canadian legislature. Nonetheless, maintaining a government body that is non functional needs to be addressed and revised and gone

Trudeau’s three-phased Senate reforms give minority group leaders an opportunity to represent their communities. The reforms attempt to shift the focus from gaining support for the Liberal party, to a collection of different and diverse minds within the Senate. The first phase of the reforms focused on the “[removal of] all senators from the national Liberal caucus”, which inherently suggested that “senators [no longer] have formal or organic ties with the Liberal caucus, nor do they have any organizational, financial or other formal responsibilities within the Liberal Party” (Dion, 2015, para. 5). Going from there, the “[creation of] a new, nonpartisan, merit-based, broad and diverse process to advise the prime minister on Senate appointments” was the second item on the agenda (Dion, 2015, para. 6). Finally, the third phase targeted the inclusion of marginalized groups, such as women and minorities, in the Senate (Dion, 2015). Therefore, Trudeau’s appointments are changing the direction of the Senate to include historically-oppressed minorities and their representatives.

The Supreme Court of Canada uses the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms to limit the scope of legislation and administrative power by implementing section one of the charter; which results in an open dialogue between the government and the courts on various legislation deemed unconstitutional. In this essay I will discuss the extent in which section one of the Canadian Charter allows the Supreme Court of Canada to dictate legislation, how they go about narrowing legislation and administrative power through the Oaks test, and the history of the Supreme Court from 1982 – present day will be analyzed resulting in an understanding of the legitimacy the courts play with such a role.

Opposing the belief that a dominating leader is running Canada, Barker brings up several key realities of the Canadian government. He gives examples of several “… instances of other ministers taking action that reveal the limits prime-ministerial power,” (Barker 178). Barker conveys the fact that Canada is not bound by a dictatorial government, “…it seems that the prime minister cannot really control his individual ministers. At times, they will pursue agendas that are inconsistent with the prime minister’s actions,” (Barker 181). Both inside and outside government are a part of Canada and they can remind the prime minister that “…politics is a game of survival for all players,” (Barker 188). Barker refutes the misinterpretation of the Canadian government by acknowledging that a prime-ministerial government existing in Canada is an overstatement.

In theory, the Parliament is the most important institution in the Canadian government and all members of the parliament are equal. The Prime Minister is supposed to be primus inter pares, meaning first among equals. But over the years, the cabinet has become more institutionalized and less departmentalized. Hence the Prime Minister’s power has increased over the years. Canada is the one of the most decentralized federations in the

Participation or to be more exact, Direct participation, of the vice royal and even royal figures in the areas of the governance is very limited. The use of executive powers in Canada is directed by the Cabinet or a committee of ministers that are basically responsible to the elected house of commons, and they are actually chosen and monitored by the Prime Minister of Canada, or Head of government. The PMO or the Prime Ministers Office is one of the main and most important powerful institutions in the government which initiates most of the legislation for the parliamentary selecting and the approval of appointment by the Crow, besides the governor general, senators, federal court, government agencies

In 2011, three legal and constitutional scholars, Peter Aucoin, Mark D. Jarvis and Lori Turnbull set out to write a book detailing what they believed to be obvious and egregious errors in the way in which the current form of responsible government as it was practiced in the Canadian federal government, fell short of operating within basic democratic parameters. Canada has a system that is based one the Westminster system, in which its the Constitution act of 1867 is influenced by British principles and conventions. “Democratizing the Constitution reforming responsible government” is a book that makes an analysis for the reform of responsible government in Canada. The authors believe that from the unclear rules, pertaining to the role and power of the prime minster foresees for a failing responsible government. In this essay the functions of the government , conventions of the constitution, the a proposal for reform will be addressed.

In this analysis we will review a case titled “The Dilemma at the Public Service Department.” We will be discussing different issues, amongst them are: opinions on the honesty, malfeasance, misfeasance, nonfeasance, accountability, competence, and why these particular responsibilities are identified. We will also discuss certain trade-offs made by the commissioner’s loyalty to the department as well as the governor, and public interest. We will also be discussing three barriers when it comes to deciding how the governor will be approached, along with the basic elements that are recommended in strategic management planning.