Urban Poverty and Inequality Segregation by political interests remains among the leading sources of concern over the prospective sense of inequality towards the poor and the undocumented workers. Apparently, there exist various avenues upon which the promotion of the poor and undocumented workers emerge in the economy. Among them includes the concern of illegal immigration, as well as the trends of urban migration. The prospective ability of such policies in the promotion of urban poverty remains active when perceived along the labor trends and the political sphere. There exist a number of concerns upon which the concern of urban poverty may be addressed. However, upon narrowing on the attributes of the poor persons and the undocumented employees, …show more content…
Their eventual sense of hope is projected towards the governing authorities. Such perceptions positions their interest on the political elite of the respective urban centres. They are tasked with the promotion of the interests of the poor and the marginalized persons in the society. However, an evaluation of the considered governance policies and the political interests associated to this group of persons offers a different image. The poor and the undocumented employees are perceived as a political capital for the elite of the political class governing the respective urban areas (Massey and Denton, 59). Their voices and considered readily available for persuasion upon the need by the considered political elites. Additionally, their interests are further segregated by the politicians and administrations in their quest to exercise authorities in the respective regions. It remains apparent that the prospect avenues of politics segregate the community with regards to …show more content…
Such stakeholders are comprised from both the private and public sectors. Urban poverty is primarily shaped by an increased population of the poor and the undocumented employees. Such persons are limited from attaining meaningful employments bargains due to their desperate financial positions. The position limits their ability to secure convenient banking tariffs, thus affecting their savings capacity, as well as ability to take loans. The failed financial strength confers their inferiority in the real estate market. They are left unable to enjoy reasonable housing options. Their eventual resort rests on the political elite, which considers them as capital to fund their governance interests. They are thus condemned to a life toned by poverty, as and a connotation of
Many workers work in jobs that pay them under the table or in horrible conditions. “Latino households can expect to earn 70 cents to a dollar less than the average white person makes. Hispanic households make 12 cents to a dollar less than white non-Hispanic people” (Schaefer, 2012, P. 224). With Latinos and Hispanics working under the table, they are not making as much as they would make if they were earning a paycheck legally. Since they are also sending money home to their families they have very little left of what they do earn for themselves. “Out of the last quarter century, the proportion of Latinos in poverty has been two or three times that of white non-Hispanics” (Schaefer, 2012, P. 224). With the average American battling to stay above the poverty line, more of the Latino and Hispanic communities are below it because of the financial obstacles in the way. Latino and Hispanic populations have been rapidly growing in the United States. “In 1975 congress addressed citizens with multilingual backgrounds” (Schaefer, 2012, P. 226). Many Latino and Hispanic Americans want to become legal so they can participate in the political position of being a United States citizen. Latino and Hispanic Americans want to be able to vote in upcoming elections. Since the increase in their population and the decision of congress in 1975; more ballots are being made to be English and Spanish depending on the particular country, city or state (Schaefer, 2012, P.
In America, millions of people are affected by poverty. High-class members of America and companies take advantage of these lower class individuals. Lower class individuals who are able to find a job usually work for less than minimum wage and experience poor working conditions. These lower class workers do not deserve the lifestyle they must deal with. Low class individuals not only have to struggle with finding employment but also have to worry about the U.S. government mistreating them. Whether someone is a low class immigrant or U.S. born citizen, it is evident people in America treat their lower class citizens poorly.
They help to preserve the societal status quo by, firstly, legitimating the exploitation of immigrants, secondly, diverting workers’ attention from the true cause of their insecure position, thirdly, splitting the labor movement and weakening class consciousness” (Castles and Kosack, 460). The first function, in particular, is practiced within American society. For instance, Mexican immigrants are subject to work in inferior labor jobs that do not pay well. Illegal immigrants are treated almost inhumane having to do low paying jobs such a meat packing that causes injuries and disease among
job market rather than poor, uneducated immigrants seems attractive on the surface. It offers an opportunity to tailor the immigration policy to the needs of the economy, keep low-wage industries in the U.S., and lower government expenditure on welfare and public health care. Even so, it has various limitations for which it should not be adopted. First, it discriminates against qualified applicants who are denied the opportunity to educate themselves. Second, it does not solve the problem of separating families and in fact, exacerbates it. Further, taking only the highly educated citizens of a developing nation undercuts its economic development. Inadvertently, it increases the reasons for
This essay will attempt to show evidence that supports the question ‘Does residential segregation shape the social life of cities and people’s sense of who they are’ by using different types of evidence, such as qualitative, which comes from interviews, focus groups, or even pictures and other artistic endeavours like murals. Whilst quantitative is obtained from statistics, surveys and records. Evidence will be looked at by what has appeared over time, looking at the growth of Manchester during 1800’s, with migration of people from the country side, to the city to take up jobs of an industrial nature and how segregation kept the wealthy and workers apart and the inequalities of conditions they lived in. Then at more recent evidence showing a case study of Belfast and the history of a single street Portland Road in London and how segregation can create connections as well as disconnections in people’s lives and how this shapes peoples sense of who they are.
On August 20th, 2016, The New York Times published an article titled “Affluent and Black, and Still Trapped by Segregation” written by John Eligon and Robert Gebeloff. The article discusses why wealthy African Americans choose to live in poverty-stricken areas as opposed to wealthier areas (Eligon and Gebeloff). The writers John Eligon and Robert Gebeloff clarify issues that most Americans would not see, such as children losing their sense of culture in more upscale communities (Eligon and Gebeloff). Culture is what separates different backgrounds of people around the world, and it is vital for everyone to have their own culture that we can learn from. When African Americans culture becomes infringed upon, they take the necessary precautions
In Linda Chavez’s, “Hispanics and the American Dream” she starts by showing the growth of Hispanics in America and how they are depicted. She sees them as a valuable part of society that is steadily climbing to new heights on the socioeconomic ladder, yet the population perceives them to be the lower end and will likely remain that way. She goes on to prove this assumption by the way Hispanics are shown in the media, which states that poor and Hispanic goes hand in hand when thought of. What is failed to be seen is that most Hispanics are steadily in the middle class, but this varies within the group just as it does with all races. The analysts take into consideration the immigrants who have just entered America, legal or illegal, which in turn causes the balance to shift towards the poor side of the spectrum. Our overall perception of Hispanics plays a role in their place in society.
New York City's fastest growing immigrant group are Dominicans, a Spanish speaking people, flocking from the Dominican Republic to the United States, New York City in specific. In 1980 the Dominican population in NYC was 125,380, in 1990 it was 332,713, and today in 1999 it is an estimated 500,000 people. The only problem with this is through the years of their migration to America, their per capita income has declined precipitously. It seems as though when the Dominican population in America increases, their income as a whole decreases. Nearly half of the Dominicans in NYC live below the poverty level. In 1990 29% of Dominicans where on welfare. Of foreign people immigrating to the U.S., only people from the former Soviet Union had a higher percentage of people living on public assistance. From 1989 to 1996 their per capita income declined 23% to $6,094 a year, in inflation adjusted dollars, while their poverty rate rose from 37% to 46%, that is almost double for the city as a whole. Unemployment also rose from 17.2% in 1990 to 18.8% in 1996 (Lopez, p. 3). The source of these severe economic problems
I was one of the 16.8 million students in the United States that were educated in a suburban school (U.S Department of Education as cited in Anyon, 1997). Fitting nicely into the figure of 90% of student that did not receive free and reduced lunch in the suburban setting (Anyon, 1997). My background, socioeconomic status, race, geography, and culture all have a meaningful impact on who I was as a student and who I now am as a teacher.
Over the past two decades the number of low-skilled workers in the United States has increased because of immigration, both legal and illegal. (Chiswick, 2006)
Employment challenges and economic disparities amongst Hispanics in the United States has been an ongoing battle, social policies along with institutions continue to perpetuate poverty among Latinos’ and African Americans. According to Liu (2011), Labor market segmentation by race/ethnicity, gender, and national origin has been recognized as a prominent feature of urban labor markets in immigrant gateway cities across the United States. A direct example of this would be when Cubans’ immigrated to Miami in the 1960’s, at first, they were welcomed by the Americans with open arms until they realized they could be in competition for employment as the Cubans were not leaving to go back home. This created many issues especially when it came to welfare,
Since the first human civilization, cheap, exploitable labor has been inherent to the economic system. This was illustrated in The Life of Peasants, one of the provided stimulus materials, in which it was accepted that providing for the upper classes was “the obligation of the servile class”. Ergo, the US can trace its history through the various exploited labor systems, starting with our dependance on indentured servants, to slavery, to our current reliance on undocumented workers.Unfortunately, the cultural progress indicated by the advancements of modern life, have not been paralleled by an alternate method of production. Worker exploitation, especially in agriculture, is conventional and commonplace. In the midst of the 2016 presidential primaries, with illegal immigration a hot topic among all candidates, it is becoming increasingly apparent that the people most often victimized by this system are mexican immigrants. “America’s immigration system is broken” - Hillary “The country has to be able to lock its doors” says Kasich. Trump suggests building a wall. Bernie advocates for comprehensive immigration reform and a path toward citizenship. Regardless of political leanings, our politician’s inciting statements whisper of truth. The immigration system is broken, and there is an overwhelming number of undocumented immigrants in America. An estimated 11.4 million of them (as of 2012 according to the department of homeland
As the population of Latin America and the Caribbean raised in 1995 with a 190 percent increase (Gonzalez 199), the job markets in Mexico are becoming scarce and competitive. The living conditions of residents in provincial towns like in Cheran, “whose timber-based economy is in tatters” (Martinez 9) are greatly affected. Mexican immigrant workers are forced to cross the border and find a greener pasture in the United States, because “in 1994, Mexico was crippled by a profound-and-prolonged-economic crisis” (Martinez 8). With the huge influx of Mexican immigrant workers coming to the States in search for better jobs, the US citizens are concerned about the economic impact: jobs, government and public services. However, the Americans’ concern that the immigrants are draining the nation’s resources, is a sweeping statement, it is based on a myth. There are many recent studies that the immigrant’s population living in the United States helps the economy. Similarly, the Mexican government and immigrant families are grateful for their immigrant workers for lifting the ailing economy and the status of immigrant families. Immigrant workers, legal or illegal, are positively reshaping the economy of sending and receiving countries through these major myths.
Douglas S. Masey stated in his article that “the usage rate for food stamps and welfare among illegal immigrants has remained as low as three percent to four percent over the past two decades but the percentage of illegal immigrants sending their children to public schools fell from 12 percent during 1987-1992 to just 7 percent for the years 1997-2002.” (Para, 6) Illegal immigrants make up the unskilled sector of the population and work mainly in the agricultural, construction and service industry.
Studies are beginning to quantify the deterioration of the middle classes in Spain and Europe. Traditional methods of measuring segregation focus on groups of race or gender, or school and neighbourhoods. It is not because of perceptions, but of trends, realities. Social atomization in the form of general impoverishment of the middle and lower class, is due to the income segregation. It also means children rise segregated without playing together, the same occurs with their parents, who can have not a relationship as citizens in common. That is important in that the consequences of income segregation are likely to be felt most strongly by children.