Why Is Singapore Contesting the Claim over Pedra Branca with Malaysia? How Has This Issue Affected Relationship Between the Two Countries? How Would It Affect Bilateral Ties Once the Decision Is Announced by the International Courts of Justice in ...

Singapore was also a gateway to other countries in South-East Asia such as New Guinea, Indonesia, Dutch-East Indies (Indonesia) and Philippines as seen in Figure 1. After this, it was the first time in Australia’s history is was the first time they were under threat from any country “Yellow

The history of Singapore is rich with surprising twists, bendy turns and wondrous triumphs. A very long, long time ago during the 14th century, a small but strategically located island that had once been named “island at the end of a peninsula” then changed to Temasek (“Sea Town”) then to Singapura and eventually to what it is now known as Singapore. It got the name Singapura from a prince from Palembang who was on a hunting trip when he caught sight of an animal he had never seen before. Taking this as a good sign he founded the city where the animal had been spotted giving it the name “ The Lion City” or Singapura or so the legend says. The city was ruled by 5 kings and was located at the very tip of the Malay Peninsula, which is the

This approach is derived from a similarly paradoxical situation, that of Singapore's evolution as a nation. Singapore's history from the formation of the Federation of Malaysia through merger with Malaya, to independence in 1965, up till the present day, is a tale of triumph over tribulations. The two years as part of Malaysia were especially traumatic, complete with heated political campaigns and two racial riots. Yet these were not as distressful as the separation of Singapore from Malaysia in 1965, which in effect compelled Singapore to eke out a living on its own. Just as doubt is supposedly an impediment to successful persuasion, so Singapore's vulnerabilities and limitations as a small state were thought to stand in the way of its progress. Yet these anticipated dangers served as a rallying point around which the leaders of the country linked arms with the people. This sense of vulnerability not only guided the leadership in policy-making, it impressed upon the people that they had a point to prove to detractors who had doubted the viability of the nation. Judging by the role which uncertainty

Despite the advances in steam technology, however, sailing ships continued to dominate the world’s oceans for many years to come. Unlike steamers they did not depend on the availability of coal and were simply much cheaper to run. This was particularly evident in voyages to the Far East, reached from Europe via the Cape of Good Hope at Africa’s south-ern tip and from America across the Indian Ocean. This changed in 1869 with the opening of the Suez Canal. As a result of this, the Far East and Australia were opened up to steamers bearing passengers and mail from the Europe. But the effects of such developments were not immediate.

This next move begun in the form of China’s build up in contested islands around the South China Sea and its growing tensions with Japan over the contested island in the East China Sea. China’s maritime disputes, between the nations of Japan, Brunei, Taiwan, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam, is the new political hotspot that is becoming an important topic in the global political stage, with even the United States getting involved. These six countries lay overlapping claims to the East and South China Sea, because the area is rich in hydrocarbons and natural gas and also because the area is important as a commercial shipping route. China seeks to use the islands to expand its maritime presence and has been growing its assertiveness from regional claimants like Japan, Vietnam, and the Philippines. The increasingly frequent standoffs range from, the Diaoyo/Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea against Japan, and the

Under these circumstances, Taiwan’s bid for independence, particularly over the last few decades, hardly constitutes shock or surprise, though the development of a deeply entrenched stalemate between China and Taiwan to the extent of potential warfare resulting thereof places the welfare of China, Taiwan, and, potentially, the international community, in a surprising level of political and economic danger. The initial response from China in regard to Taiwanese independence established a precedent for military coercion in order to integrate Taiwan into the PRC, and resulted in a standoff between Beijing and Taipei in regard to negotiation and compromise, from which, ironically, neither will budge. Overall, regardless of the final decision on Taiwanese independence from China, the political stalemate on both sides of the

 Singapore is both a city and a nation-state. This complicates matters. Most foreigners think of Singapore simply as a city. But most Singaporeans think of Singapore in national terms. This, by default, has had the unintended side effect of causing some fissures in the national fabric. It is possible to be both a global city and a nation-state. But it could be argued that the global city project pursued by Singapore has come at a heavy price for the nation-building project.

Singapore faces two very crippling issues that are unlikely to be solved internally within the next few years, and as such are left with little choice but to rely on our foreign friends. Let’s look a little deeper.

However Singaporeans have become irrational. They have in effect been duped by the state’s performance to increase levels of voluntary compliance, distracting Singaporeans from the underlying foundational reason (state punishment) that they continue complying, in a pseudo-parallel to the Marxists’ concept of ‘false consciousness’. Singaporeans are kept optimistic about taxpaying, manipulated into believing that they pay taxes not because they are being coerced, but because they want the state to continue performing well. Thereby although Singaporeans’ satisfaction with the state’s performance has attributed to Singapore’s low tax evasion, its underlying principle is not as non-coercive as it may appear to be on the surface. State performance has been used to coerce Singaporeans subtlely.

Hence we see that the government is of the opinion that their policies have helped the Malays progress and that they are no longer marginalised. This runs completely against Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s comments in 2006, “Why is it that the Malays in Singapore are marginalised to the extent that they have no status at all? This is done deliberately by Singapore. There is no other country that does it like them”, as well as in 2011, “Singapore Malays are being marginalised until the end of the world” (Berita Harian, 20 January 2011).

Malaysia in turn becomes the target for being "too vocal". But this is something that we need to take in our own stride if Malaysia is to be proactive at the global level. As a small developing-country player in the international arena, Malaysia needs to firmly uphold the principles of the UN charter as a defence of last resort. Certain fundamental principles governing interstate relations would continue to guide Malaysia 's relations with other countries. These refer to sovereign equality and mutual respect for territorial

A majority of Filipinos everywhere are wondering what this Sabah claim is all about. The Philippine history books, Malaysian's probably too, have not mentioned about the Philippines' stake on the northern part of the island of Borneo. On the other hand, the Malaysians maybe furious that there are a lot of attention now being focused to that part of the Malaysian federation to which they believe was theirs since the British handed the territory in 1963.

About two hundred years ago, Raffles arrived at a small fishing village in Melaka Strait, took charge of it and started a new generation. Now, this small fishing village is named Singapore and became one of the most globalized countries in the world. Raffles, the adventurer in 1819, is still an iconic hero in Singapore’s social memory. This paper will interpret the founding of Singapore in 1819 as a result of four main factors: Raffles’ ambition as a clerk of the East India Company, the Anglo- Dutch competition, Malay policy and Temasek’s revival as a trading emporium in 14th

Buendia, focuses on the concept of the right to self determination as applied to the case of the of the Bangsa Moro. It argued that by nature the state protects its territory and it is very unlikely that the state will grant credence to the right to self determination or simply speaking autonomy. Territory is an element of the state that is rarely given. As seen from the lessons of history, a state seeks to protect the least and expand the most and never to give away territory.

On the night of 8 December 2013, Singapore came face to face with the incident that put an end to the riot-free track record we had been enjoying for over 40 years. The Little India riot was a wake up call in our usually stable sociopolitical climate. Over 400 foreign workers, mostly under the influence of alcohol, had violently attacked the police and destroyed government property after a foreign worker had been killed in an accident. It is important to note that this incident had occurred in the light of the formation of an increasingly complex society, where more than one fifth of the population comprises foreigners. Various issues such as overcrowding and tensions between foreigners and Singaporeans are among rising concerns. It also seems to be becoming a more liberal society. These changes in society should be accompanied by respective changes in the government, with the focus on conscientiously addressing the old, and the new concerns of the society. The riot was indicative of the government’s shortfall in its foreseeing of issues and decision making, evidencing the need to learn new lessons.