human life, even on purpose. United Nation Security Council is entitled to maintain human rights in the global scale and thus it must intervene into conflicts which comprise threat to innocent civil people. Nevertheless, the circumstance of the Kosovo war allows us to think about and even question the legitimacy of this institution.
The first battle of the Kosovo war which was meticulously planned with stomach revolting malice was less than a mile from my house and it resulted in the death of over 50 members of the Jashari family. As the Serbian Army surrounded the three homes the Jashari’s began to prepare for the onslaught that was to come. Although less than 20 men had arms they valiantly defended their house, their land, and most importantly their family from a determined and well organize Army. These men, farmers by trade
The Kosovo Albanian War drips with International Relations’ theory. Steeped lavishly with interactions, mostly violent unfortunately, there is ample breeding ground for one’s crop of theory. With societal rifts of anguish, for each side unable to appease the other, the land slipped into an entrenched ideology of nationalism against one another. The extent of the war pre-dates NATO and the UN, institutions that made a firm stand in Kosovo, and even the whispered declaration of war. Theory provokes
The Kosovo War UK Prime Minister Tony Blair stated that ‘Serbia caused the Kosovo War.’ 3, p.318 How valid is this claim? During Josip Broz Tito’s dictatorship which lasted from 1943 to his death in 1980, Yugoslavia consisted of six republics and two autonomous provinces. Tito unified the Yugoslavians under a socialist system3, p.84. Tito also ‘equitably divided’ Yugoslavia to prevent Serbia from dominating the union5, p.18. 2, p.1. The Serbs then claimed that Tito ‘was discriminating against
where two competing nationalisms, Albanian and Serbian, simmered for centuries until eventually boiling over in 1998 with the Kosovo War. The ‘Kosovo question’, as referred to by scholars, examines what level of statehood or control should ultimately be consigned to the territory of Kosovo. Serbian intellectuals in the late 20th century and even today would argue that the ‘Kosovo question’ has nothing to do with race, blood, or biology (Harzl: 148). However, from the onset, these three things fundamentally
Threats of communism and the bipolarity of the Cold War spurred the United States to develop a global foreign policy. These threats from the Soviet Union caused the United States to consider new policies and national interests in countries that it had not previously had strong interests in or policies towards, like the Republic of Kosovo. Kosovo has always been a controversial territory within the nation of Serbia. Throughout history, the region has consistently been populated by Kosovars whom ethnically
free war making.” Michael Walzer, a prominent moral philosopher, believes that the possibility of a risk-free war is a positive thing. A soldier has a right to fight from a distance so long as their weapons can aim accurately at their military targets. Michael Ignatieff, on the other hand, is concerned that a risk-free war can create serious moral problems. In his book Virtual War: Kosovo and Beyond, Michael Ignatieff presents the audience with the potential moral implications of a riskless war, or
a full-scale war had erupted between the Albanians and the Serbians as both fought for autonomy of one tiny piece of land: Kosovo. When NATO finally intervened, press coverage began to intensify. NATO entered the war on the side of the Albanians, and as a result press coverage immediately shifted to support this cause. In order to make the conflict
Kosovo: How the Kosovar territory can get developing economically and culturally through its identity balanced between the ethnic strife and conflicts of interest between the Serbs, Albanians and the international community? Richmond University - London Romuald Maronese Dissertation Literature review A such unexpected and international violent struggle burst out between Serbs and Albanians in the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia over the southern Serbian province of Kosovo1. This terrible issue
population and to oblige the Milosevic regime to accept NATO’s demands regarding the future political status of Kosovo (Wippman 2001: 129). NATO’s decision to intervene in Kosovo without the authorization of the Security Council raised doubts in the international arena among human rights activists about the legitimacy of the operation. This essay will argue that NATO’s intervention in Kosovo was legitimate because it was both legal and just. In so doing, this essay will start by carefully reading the