Historical Origins of Bureaucratic Dominance in Russia
The latest vogue among Russian political scientists is to use Russia's imperial past as a myth to create a frame of reference to justify current political actions undertaken by Russia. These perspectives distort history, and this is another reason we decided to concentrate our discussion on pre-‐revolutionary
Russian tradition and the modern Russian state. In this essay, we will focus on the development of our main idea that during the formation of the Russian state in medieval times, a system of bureaucratic governance emerged that has played a dominant role in Russian political life throughout the nation's history. This system of governance rested primarily on two bureaucratic
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This hierarchy, or mestnichestvo2, originated from the customary Russian practice whereby nobles received a place around the tsar's table and in the tsar's service in accordance with their respective families' rank (i.e., how well established a family was or how old a family’s roots were). In the fifteenth century, this custom developed into a system through which the tsar appointed nobles to key positions within government on the basis of birth, reserving posts in the military or civil service for members of the …show more content…
Since members of this bureaucratic class maintained wide discretion in appropriating and distributing resources through the system kormleniya, and since Russia lacked clear laws governing the limits of this bureaucratic power, the bureaucracy was able over time to usurp substantial de facto political power. As this power accumulated in the bureaucratic hierarchy, it became customary in Russia that actions of the government were directed in largo measure by unofficial or secret bureaucratic decrees and/or ukazi. These bureaucratic directives ultimately became more important in the day-‐to-‐day operations of government than official laves and regulations. Eventually, the
Russian nachalnik (boss or chief) and the rank-‐and-‐file chinovnik (bureaucrat) become symbols of state power to the rest of the population.
Although several attempts were made to curtail the power of the bureaucracy in Russian history, including the formal liquidation of the mestnichestvo s ystem by the Zemsky Sobor in 1682 and the development of the
Table of Ranks in 1722, the basic structure of the bureaucratic hierarchy and its power remained undisturbed. These reforms were, in fact, little more
After WW1, There was a power struggle for the leader of Russia. High level government workers Joseph Stalin and Leon Trotsky fought for the throne after the untimely death of Vladimir Lenin.
The last Tsar Nicholas II ascended the throne in 1894 and was faced with a country that was trying to free itself from its autocratic regime. The serfs had recently been emancipated, the industry and economy was just starting to develop and opposition to the Tsar was building up. Russia was still behind Europe in terms of the political regime, the social conditions and the economy. Nicholas II who was a weak and very influenced by his mother and his wife had to deal with Russia’s troubles during his reign. In order to ascertain how successfully Russia dealt with its problems by 1914, this essay will examine the October Manifesto and the split of the opposition, how the Tsar became more reactionary after the 1905 revolution, Stolypin’s
In a burgeoning climate of autocracy, the Romanov dynasty was firmly established in the societal framework of early 20th-century Russia. Having been in varying degrees of absolute political control over an approximate time period of four hundred years, their eventual undoing marked a power shift polarising the imperial regime laid out by countless Tsars beforehand. Nicholas II, the last Emperor of Russia, is recognised to have a degree of personal responsibility for the downfall of the Romanovs, yet the extent to which his decision-making skills can be held accountable is questioned by some historians. Despite this, multiple political, social, and military facets of Nicholas II’s reign were handled with instability, and his perceived lack of legitimacy due to this poor decision-making ultimately was a major causative factor to the downfall of his family’s vast dynasty.
The first of these tsars, Ivan III, also known as “Ivan the Great”, defied Mongol control and declared the autonomy of Moscow. Ivan III was soon followed by Ivan IV, also known as “Ivan the Terrible”, who declared his power by pushing aside his advisors, crowning himself tsar and crushing boyars, who were Russian nobles. At first, Ivan’s reign was successful as he added vast new territories to the Russian empire. Later, after his wife’s death, Ivan’s power and prosperity declined because he started persecuting those whom he believed opposed him. This resulted in the execution of many nobles and their families, friends, servants and peasants, in which he replaced with a new service nobility, whose loyalty was “guaranteed by their dependent on the state for land and titles.” [1] Ivan the Terrible nor Ivan III were never absolute rulers- their ways of ruling just helped lay the foundation for Russian absolutism. After Ivan IV and his successor died, Russia entered a “Time of Troubles”, which lasted from 1598-1613, in which the peasant warrior bands known as Cossacks, rebelled against their nobles who fought back and defeated the Cossacks. Ivan’s grand-nephew, Michael Romanov, was soon elected by the Zensky Sober- a body of nobles, and placed efforts toward state-building. He was succeeded by “Peter the Great”, the Russian king that truly consolidated Russian
While some may like it and others may not, change is inevitable. This falls very true for countries such as Russia, China, Japan, and Ottoman Turkey in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Of course a region will be affected by even the slightest bit of change as they develop, but these regions were all majorly affected by Western influence at this time. From technologies to land ownership, regions would be changed forever, no matter how much they may have tried to resist. Despite massive efforts by some, Russia, China, Japan, and Ottoman Turkey were all greatly influenced by the West, in many aspects.
Despite all the work Alexander II did toward reforming Russia, the “Era of Great Reforms” left one crucial aspect unaltered: the power of the emperor. The intentional neglect of this was what kept the reforms from realizing their true potential. This led to dissatisfaction, which encouraged repression, terror, and most importantly: revolution. The first was the Polish Rebellion, caused by the failure of Russian authorities to suppress Polish nationalism. Although the Poles failed, other minorities sprung up for their voice
Imperial Russia was an empire that existed from 1721 up until 1917, when it was overthrown in the October revolution. During this time, the Russian Empire was ruled by a Tsar, as an absolute hereditary monarchy, under the system of Tsarist autocracy (Tsarist Government 2014). For nearly two centuries, nine emperors and four empresses succeeded one another on the Russian Throne. The Tsar ruled with the authority of divine right; a medieval notion and cult that God had selected the Tsar to represent him on
Although collectivization and the 5 year plans were a success, Stalinism faced its primary negative impact through these polices; the Bureaucracy. This is a system of government in which lesser members of political parties make most of the important decisions or control the happenings of the state. The peasants were the ones carrying out Stalin’s policies; however, they were working for nothing, which resulted in quotas not being met, forcing the Bolshevik in charge of that sector to lie. Plans were developed to try and contain the bureaucracy. Alexei Stakhanov allegedly cut 16 times the normal amount of coal in one shift. Stalin and the government used this to provide ideological incentive for the workers, thus inventing the ‘Stakhanovites’. Despite this however, the bureaucracy was to remain, serving as the foremost negative impact to Stalinism.
In this lesson we explore the life and reign of one of Russia’s most reactionary monarchs of all time, Nikolai I, who had to quell a rebellion immediately upon his accession in 1825.
The beginning of the 20th century brought radical changes to the social and political structure of autocratic Russia. It was a period of regression, reform, revolution and eradication. Eradication of a blood line that had remained in rule for over 300 years; the Romanov Dynasty. The central figure of this eradication was Tsar Nicholas II, often described as an incompetent leader, absent of the “commanding personality nor the strong character and prompt decision which are so essential to an autocratic ruler...” (Sir G. Buchman, British ambassador to Russia from 1910 in H. Seton-Watson, The
The Russian state has been characterized by its strong heritage of powerful, autocratic leadership. This domination by small ruling elite has been seen throughout Russia's history and has transferred into its economic history. Throughout the Russian czarist period, to the legacy of seventy years of communism; Russia has been a country marked by strong central state planning, a strict command economy and an overall weak market infrastructure (Goldman, 2003). Self-interest, manipulation and corruption have all been present in the Russian economy, and have greatly helped the few as opposed to the many. To this day, Russia still struggles with creating a competitive and fair market.
The effects of the purges on the political structure and community of the USSR can be described (as Peter Kenez asserts) as an overall change from a party led dictatorship to the dictatorship of a single individual; Stalin. Overall power was centred in Stalin, under whom an increasingly bureaucratic hierarchy of
The impact that Frederick II’s reign had on the geo-political organization of Western and Eastern Europe was his foreign policy. This is where Prussia gained this province of the West, where the isolation of East Prussia happened by linking with monarchical states. This had made the kingdom more capable of defense and within its territory, Prussia was more predominantly to the East, and had also made the dividing social and political differences sharpen with that of the other states of Western Europe. Russia’s czarist government in one way, helped protect the rights of nobles and peasants in the Table of Ranks. This table let all men have the ability to serve the state, and had to longer allow Russia's military to rely on heredity positions.
Oligarchy as it is known in Aristotle’s politics; is a government run by a small group of people, ‘elites’. However, the oligarchy which this essay addresses is currently referred to in Russia as “a very wealthy and politically well-connected businessman...one who is the main owner of a conglomerate of enterprises and has close ties with the president” (Aslund and Dabrowski, 2007; 144). In the 1990s Russia’s economic reforms are said to have created the rise of a small group of oligarchs who gained an overwhelming amount of power and control. By 1997, this small group of previously unknown businessmen and bankers, often with gangster ties, had acquired control of many of the key parts of the Russian economy. Why did they emerge? It is argued by David Satter that three processes facilitated the emergence of the oligarchs. The first was hyperinflation and the social, economic and political consequences. The second was the process of privatisation, and finally the third was criminalisation (Satter, 2003). However, were these powerful oligarchs just a phase during the transition from Soviet to Post-Soviet Russia? Even with Putin’s efforts and declaration to distance the oligarchs from politics and power, and start a war against them exemplified by the Khodorkovsky affair, are oligarchs still significantly powerful in contemporary Russia? What is the role they play in Russia? It seems that the power of those original oligarchs of the 1990s has decreased or been concealed in
The present day Russian Federation involves a democratic system, given the presence of elections, an independent judiciary, and the supremacy of law. Yet, in democracy, the crux of it involves an inevitable paradox: law limits state power, but the state must have the power to enforce the law. However, finding the balance of the ability to enforce laws, and therefore maintaining order, while not infringing on civil liberties, requires a mutual understanding, a social contract, between the rulers and the ruled. This requirement has not found its place in the Russian political arena, especially since “creating a rule-of-law-based sate out of dictatorship is not easy” (Bressler 2009). In addition, the Russian psyche views authority as a source of force and violence (Yakovlev 1996), an etymological result of a continuity beginning from imperial Russia. Although the Russian Federation, the Union Soviet Socialist Republics, the Russian Empire, and the Tsardom of Russia differ significantly, a strong state remains prevalent in the core of Russian history and politics. In short, the nature of political rule in Russia involves a never ending tug of war between the seemingly undying authoritative soulless entity known as the state and the equally undying Russian people’s hunger for liberty.