INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS AND THE LEGALITY OF CANNABIS 6 costs and shrink the size of the federal government. One argument against this is that Nixon, the creator of new federalism, actually implemented the most severe federal drug policies in the history of the United States. That being said, if the true purpose and intent was that previously stated, allowing states to manage their own drug policies still seems a more appropriate course of action for this model of federalism. The argument used by all three branches of the federal government against decentralization of drug laws and enforcement in constitutional; revolving primarily around Article I, Section 8, Clause 3 (the interstate commerce clause) and Article VI, Clause 2 (the supremacy …show more content…
205.) In the landmark cannabis legalization case Gonzales v. Raich (2005,) heard in the Supreme Court, a California woman sued the federal government after they seized and destroyed her marijuana plants which she used as prescribed by her doctor and for personal use only. The federal government argued that “consuming one’s locally grown marijuana for medical purposes affects the interstate market” and that “if one exception were made to the Controlled Substances Act, it would effectively become unenforceable in practice” (Ramsay, 2012, p. 207.) The Supreme Court voted six to three for the federal government effectively creating a new legal precedent for federal control (Ramsay, 2012, p. 208.) INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS AND THE LEGALITY OF CANNABIS 7 It is more difficult to determine if the federal government’s ownership of …show more content…
143.) Further, Stephens & Wikstrom (2007) identify judicial preemption as “the federal judiciary requiring the states and/or localities to adhere to certain policies” (p. 151.) If an argument for preemption can be made, it would not be a recent preemption but rather, can best be argued in the context of the 1937 Marihuana [sic] Tax Act since this represents the first time that the federal government attempted to control the sale of cannabis and it was previously identified as a state issue. Consequently, judicial preemption (especially based on Gonzales v. Raichs, 2005) is difficult to argue since federal laws were already in place for over 30 years and California’s law did not exist until 1996. Further, because the court has ruled that this is a constitutional issue relating to interstate commerce, an enumerated power, preemption is not an entirely appropriate concept. Regarding mandates, while the federal government reserves and indeed actively practices its authority to legislate and enforce cannabis laws, it does not expressly require compliance from state and/or local law enforcement or judiciary agencies. Rather, state and local
The problem that we have is that sometimes-federal law and state laws are in conflict and are in direct opposition
Filburn established that Congress could regulate exclusively local activities under the Agricultural Adjustment Act when those activities are “part of an economic ‘class of activities’ that have a substantial effect on interstate commerce” (Maj. 4). The facts of Filburn and Raich are similar, and the Court uses classic syllogism—in which judges determine whether a legal rule set forth in one case applies to another by looking for similarity between each case’s facts (Levi 2)—to link the two cases. But the Court’s syllogism uses more than facts. It also uses the CSA’s purpose and its effects as additional mechanisms to bridge it with the AAA. That is where the traditional classic syllogism approach takes a pragmatist turn.
No. The ruling was 6-3 in favor of the United States. The ruling was 7-2 in favor of California.
The Supreme Court ruled in favor for Lopez on April 26th of 1995. In a disputable 5-4 decision, the Supreme Court upheld
11. Which clause states that the Constitution, and federal statutes and treaties, shall be the supreme law of the land.
In the Court’s highly fragmented decision, the justices attempted to define a proper balance of and boundary between federal and state authority: by arguing that state action constituted only those acts sanctioned by the state’s laws and by dismissing Section 20 for vagueness, the major block of dissenters suggested that the risk posed to state autonomy by federal intervention was too great; by recognizing the defendants’ actions as those perpetrated “under color of law” and by creating a “willful” test for acts under Section 20, the majority Opinion affirmed the federal government’s interest in protecting the rights of citizens from abuse by state authority, but provided it with a tenuous means for defending those liberties.
A. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals Correctly found that S.B. 1070 is Preempted Because it Interferes with the Administration and Enforcement of Federal Immigration Laws
The Commerce Clause grants Congress the power “[t]o regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes.” Despite its silence as to the effect of that affirmative power, federal courts have recognized the Framers’ wish to create a unified national market and have found a dormant congressional authority in it. Since the landmark case of Gibbons v. Ogden (1824), that dormant authority has limited state regulations that burden interstate commerce, even in the absence of congressional regulation. Congress has the power only to restrict the scope of permissible state regulation but it does not absolutely preclude states from affecting commerce. "[T]he states retain authority under their police powers to regulate matters of 'legitimate local concern', even though interstate commerce may be affected." A challenged statute is upheld if its effect on interstate commerce is merely incidental. On the other hand, a state regulation that is facially or practically discriminatory will be defeated unless it shows a legitimate local purpose that cannot be accomplished by any less discriminatory alternatives.
A landmark case in United States Law and the basis for the exercise of judicial review in the United States,
The United States of America is losing a major war: the war on drugs. And it is time for us, as a nation, to admit our country’s drug laws are doing more harm than good. The fight against drugs is not as effective as it was originally envisioned. Both the federal government and states have taken extreme measures and enforced strict laws to keep our cities and neighborhoods free of drugs. However, it is time for a change. And I believe this change should start by settling the conflict between federal and state drug laws. The federal government should decide all drug laws nationwide and give less say to the individual states. With that being said, I think the federal government should legalize recreational marijuana use nationwide and lessen the harsh policies enforced and severe punishment for recreational use of other drugs.
1. The substance that is the focus in “Reefer Madness”, is Marijuana. 2. George A. Hirliman produced this film. This film was an effective method to reduce Marijuana. This film showed the effect caused by Marijuana.
National drug policy should be decided in a significant way in the workplace. This can be explained in
case can go t the Supreme Court.This paper will also identify the merits of a case that can lead to
Over time U.S. citizen had grown more interest in the use of marijuana. Base on the Federal Bureau of Narcotics agent reported in 1965, they have concluded that, “From what I have read and heard, it would appear that the reported increased and widespread use of marihuana by college students could be attributed in part to the influence of Allen Ginsberg and persons of his ilk.” (Katel 534) Base on those facts, it tell that college students were indeed using marijuana. By 1978, the first state that legalize marijuana for medical use was in New Mexico. The reason for this to happen
The last [statement] flies directly in the face of the preceding statements of a complete reversal of position with no stated basis whatsoever. One can only conclude that, in the context of the battle over marihuana, FDA temporarily lost sight of its long-acknowledged lack of statutory authority to regulate the practice of medicine. Perhaps it failed to realize the