Labor Relations Essay

Life in the early 1900’s wasn’t easy. Competition for jobs was at an all time high, especially in New York City. Immigrants were flooding in and needed to find work fast, even if that meant in the hot, overcrowded conditions of garment factories. Conditions were horrid and disaster was inevitable, and disaster did strike in March, 1911. The Triangle Shirtwaist Factory in New York set on fire, killing 146 workers. This is an important event in US history because it helped accomplish the tasks unions and strikes had tried to accomplish years earlier, It improved working conditions in factories nationwide and set new safety laws and regulations so that nothing as catastrophic would happen again. The workplace struggles became public after

The words chosen by the writer suggests that they do not agree with the actions of the labor unions. Other times, the newspapers would associate them with violence. During the Great Railroad Strike of 1877, Charles M. Dollar Along with seeing labor movements as radical, many labor movements were labeled socialist by the media. In the cartoon in Document C, the labor movement is shown to be influenced by socialist controls. Considering the generally negative connotation that came with communism in the United States, when newspapers like Harper’s Weekly labeled organized labor as socialist, many people developed a negative attitude towards organized labor. The disapproval of organized labor was not exclusive to the American public but also the federal government. During the late 20th century, the Supreme Court became increasingly conservative on the issue of organized labor. In the Supreme Court case In re Debs, the court ruled that federal government controlled interstate commerce and was obligated to keep the railroads from obstructions and in that specific case, strikes or protests. The fact that a good portion of the American public and the federal government saw organized labor as a detriment; it was no surprise that organized labor

In the late 1800s and the early 1900s, labor was anything but easy. Factory workers faced long hours, low pay, high unemployment fears, and poor working conditions during this time. Life today is much easier in comparison to the late 1800s. Americans have shorter days, bigger pay and easier working conditions. Not comparable to how life is today, many riots sparked, and citizens began to fight for equal treatment. Along with other important events, the Haymarket Riot, the Pullman Strike, and the Homestead strike all play a vital role in illustrating labor’s struggle to gain fair and equitable treatment during the late 1800s and early 1900s.

The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), also known as the Wagner Act, was enacted in Congress in 1935 and became one of the most important legacies of the New Deal. Prior to the passage of the NLRA, employers had been free to spy on, interrogate, discipline, discharge, and blacklist union members. Reversing years of federal opposition, the statute guaranteed the right of employees to organize labor unions, to engage in collective bargaining, and to take part in strikes. The act also created a National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) to arbitrate deadlocked labor-management disputes, guarantee democratic union elections, and penalize unfair labor practices by employers. The law applied to all employees involved in the interstate

The mill workers felt that they simply did not have any other options and feared the punitive steps management would take if they unionized. Indeed, this appeared to be the case. When several employees expressed a tentative interest in the union, management reduced their work days, and, consequently, their pay. The mill’s management used many other scare tactics to try and persuade employees to reject the union.

Despite being able to cause a small improvement in workers’ pay and hours, labor unions ultimately died out by the 1900s due to their methods. Unable to truly focus on the plight of skilled workers, most labor unions instead focused on that of unskilled workers, pushing aside the skilled workers. (Doc D). The actions of labor unions ended up being counterproductive, forcing companies to wage war against the labor unions. These stricter contracts such as that of Western Union Telegraph Company, forced workers to affiliate themselves against labor unions. (Doc E) One important thing to note is that the workers’ rights advocates were never able to coincide on one factor. As evidenced in an illustration in 1887, labor unions had to compete with other movements such as socialism, anarchism, and other labor unions. (Doc F). Because of this, the media, although recognizing the labor union movement, began viewing the labor unions as dangerous entities. Although the initial strikes such as the Wabash strike were successful, the ones that followed proved detrimental to the movement, and caused the steady decline of the labor unions. Because some of the strikes were dangerous, many strikes resulted in the deaths of those involved, such as the Homestead Crisis, and Pinkerton (Doc G). Combined with events such as the Wildcat strike, Haymarket strike, the Pullman Strike, the public began to associate a negative

Further evidence of the government’s support for the employers was illustrated by Cleveland’s use of Pinkerton agents to suppress the Pullman strike. The Pullman strike illustrates the often hostile approach of governments in the early part of the period, as the Federal government occasionally was active in their support for the employers, to the detriment of the workers, whose strike for higher wages failed as a result of the government.

Andrew Carnegie was away hunting and left Henry Frick in charge. Henry Frick was replacing the workers with machinery. Frick wanted to treat the workers as individuals, so he locked out the workers. He locked out the workers by building a fence and hiring Pinkerton detectives to mend the fence. The workers were expecting the detectives and a huge battle broke out. This battle lasted fourteen hours and left a total of ten people, laborers and Pinkerton detectives, dead. The state militia would soon be called to calm the workers down (Tindall 814). Another rebellion I stated was the Pullman Strike. Employees of Pullman were forced to live and rent in a community town called Pullman. These workers were given company money and could only get groceries from the company store. Eugene Debs wanted to come up with mediation between Pullman, but Pullman refused Eugene Debs’s plea (Farless). “In June 1894, after George Pullman refused Debs’s plea for arbitration, the union workers stopped handling Pullman railcars. By the end of July they had tied up most of the railroads in the Midwest” (Tindall 516). The railroad executives hired Canadian strikebreakers and requested that they connect the Pullman cars to mail cars (Farless). By doing this they were making the strike a federal strike. The Attorney General argued that the interference of the mail was a direct violation of the Sherman Anti-trust Act

In her book, Labor and Legality: An Ethnography of a Mexican Immigrant Network, Ruth Gomberg-Muñoz describes the lives of ten busboys, she referrs to as the Lions, living and working in the Chicago area. Gomberg-Muñoz provides an insight into the lives of these undocumented Mexican workers. They share their stories of crossing the border, the affects of their absence on family back in Mexico, and the daily struggles of living in a country without the benefits of citizenship. The Lions, as well as other undocumented Mexicans, have to face Americans stereotypes every day. Probably the biggest stereotype the Lions contend with is the belief that all Mexicans are hard workers.

Finally, when they were recognized by the government, for example the Supreme Court, they passed the Interstate Commerce Act; however this act was not enforced. Also this did not help out the primary cause for labor unions. Gomper's testimony (Document I), claims that workers find that improvements in methods of production and distribution are constantly being made. Workers, therefore, he argues need occasionally to strike or all advantages will go to the employers and all injuries to the employees. Rights, he says, have been gained by the people through sacrifices and persistency. Samuel Gomper was the founder of the American Federation of Labor. The AFL did survive the 19th century because it primarily included skilled workers. The AFL kept out of involvement in politics and built up strike funds, focusing on "bread and butter" issues. It survived the depression of 1893 (which was just ending when this testimony was given) when many other unions failed. The AFL also excluded most women, African Americans, unskilled workers and some immigrants. Gompers was one of the first American union leaders to focus on collective bargaining and the strike as a political weapon. Document D was another testimony, from a machinist. He goes on to explain how the conditions in factories have changed. Many jobs were

The Pullman Strike of 1894 was the first national strike in United States history. George Pullman of Pullman Rail Cars founded the town of Pullman as a place where his workers could live. A problem arose

57). In December 1886, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) was formed in Columbus, Ohio. The AFL was originally named the Federated Organization of Trades and Labor Union back in 1881. The AFL was a “national union made up of affiliated, individual craft unions” (Boone, 1996, p. 288). The first president of the AFL was Samuel Gompers. On the contrary to the Knights of Labor, Gompers’ focus was to raise day-to-day wages, and continue to improve the working conditions (Dessler, 1997). After the formation of the AFL, the period included significant developments. In the early 1890’s, the United Mine Workers was formed, becoming the first major United States industrialized union (Robinson, 1985). In addition, a significant defeat occurred in organized labor. The defeat is known as the strike at Homestead, Pennsylvania. The “Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel, and Tin Workers was eliminated from the steel industry” (Robinson, 1985, p. 58). History from 1905 to 1920. In 1905, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) challenged the AFL, prior to the depression of the 1930’s. The IWW invited the unskilled and semiskilled workers that the AFL had denied and was a success from 1910 to 1915 (Encyclopedia, 1996). The results of this had decreased the AFL membership for a short period of time, but they fought back by bringing

These benefits were greatly needed as seen in the working conditions experienced by the Italian immigrants of this time. These groups were organized locally which also led to their downfall because of too much local power rather than a form of national leadership. The American Federation of Labor, founded in 1185, was unique in that it restricted its membership to only skilled workers and was also organized by trade instead of locality. For this reason it “became known as the “aristocracy” of labor” (Additional Links: The War between Capital and Labor). The Italian immigrants, for example, were not commonly found in the American Federation of Labor because they were unskilled and were not unionizing. President of the American Federation of Labor, Samuel Gompers believed in the power of the strike and most importantly the belief of the eight-hour workday. In Chicago, over one thousand people gathered at the West Randolph Street Haymarket, where people bought hay for their horses. Originally it was a peaceful gathering until someone threw a bomb into the crowd. The police responded by shooting into the crowd. An unknown number of demonstrators were killed or wounded. “Sixty police officers were injured and eight eventually died. Politicians and the press blamed radicals for the violence, although there was no evidence linking specific people to the bomb” (Lecture

The main factor contributing to the failure of labor unions was choices the unions made in their actions. Two newspapers called The Alarm, and The Arbeiter-Zeitung both published articles in 1886. In the article The Arbeiter-Zeitung it says “To arms!” “To arms!”. (Schwab). This showed that the workers needed to stand up for what they wanted, even if it meant becoming truculent. This fortifies that the failure of the labor unions was coming from their ideas and tactics. Violence was never necessary; they could have went about it in a much different manner that was more placid. Next is a piece of evidence that was published in the New York Times on July 08, 1892. In the document it states that it was “names of those killed yesterday” (New York Times). It was a list that was

adamantly opposed any recognition of the union. Thus, the union members decided to strike over wages, safety