I. Introduction
In 2014 the Conservative Party introduced the Help to Work scheme in the United Kingdom; long-term unemployed people were expected to work in return for their benefits. Prime Minister David Cameron made the claim that “a key part of our long-term economic plan is to move to full employment, making sure that everyone who can work is in work. (...) [W]e need to look at those who are persistently stuck on benefits.” However, Jonathan Wolff contends that such welfare-to-work policies “rest on strong perfectionist claims about the good life, claims that are controversial and may even be “deeply insulting”. (White, 2003) As a response to Wolff’s objection to workfare policies, Stuart White introduces an alternative justification for
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The purpose of this essay is to critically examine White’s fairness argument in order to consider whether one could ever endorse workfare without being suggestive about the kind of life one thinks others should live. In doing so, I will argue that White’s fairness argument for workfare does not succeed in offering a non-perfectionist justification for workfare by drawing on his notion of work in relation to his conception as to what it means to contribute to society. I will motivate this by arguing that his concept of work as intrinsically linked to the idea of making a contribution to the social product is an expression of perfectionism – for it considers “being employed” as ideal – and neglects the fact that unpaid work is also a contribution to society. Finally, given the difficulties that White’s fairness argument faces, I will conclude that it does not succeed in offering a …show more content…
Why do contributions to society have to be in the form of wage labour, when unpaid dependant-care also contributes to the system of cooperation? (Anderson, 2004, 243) Whereas White seems to be implying that unpaid work is not sufficient for making a contribution, Anderson contends that unpaid work is indeed sufficient for making a contribution, as well as paid work. Anderson argues quite convincingly that White’s conception of the work ethic undermines unpaid work undertaken by caretakers. So White’s assumption that being employed is necessarily related to making a contribution seems to indicate that White’s justification for workfare is perfectionist, given that he considers that “being employed” is ideal. A logical consequence of this is that if we take wage labour to be equivalent to making a contribution, we would have to say that caregivers do not work in the sense that their work does not have a market value. Hence, Anderson contends that if, in designing workfare schemes, policy-makers were to give an arbitrary preference to some forms of productive contribution to society over other forms, such as care work, the perfectionist problem arises. (White, 2004, 273) Hence, Anderson’s criticism based on the example of caretakers questions the very definition of “contribution” and what it precisely
Nozick asserts that, ‘The entitlement theory of justice in distribution is historical; whether a distribution is just depends on how it came about.’ Prior to evolving into the minimal state, there was in place a protective agency who monopolised the protection market and in the process, it vetoed the rights of non-members to use force to seek indemnification. Thus, Nozick contradicts himself because when the state vetoed the rights of non-members, ipso facto it is already unjust and as was stated, Nozick would not permit violation of any rights even where it is to propagate the overall
Caroline Payne, who as a child bounced back and forth between caretakers after her parents' divorce, is one of the impoverished workers Shipler offers to illustrate the point. After two divorces and four children, Caroline worked several low-wage jobs. The jobs, and the odd hours that often accompanies unskilled labor, became more difficult to maintain as she tried to arrange appropriate schooling and after-school care for her learning disabled daughter. Promotions in jobs she kept were difficult to come by because
In this video, it clearly shows that the white cops are harassing the black teenagers. The whites are not even being questioned but the cops are torturing the blacks. One of the white teenager said in a separate interview that he felt very shocked because the cops were not questioning him but they were questioning and beating the blacks. This video relates to the article because both show the inequality in the justice system.
A conversation about justice can strike up many questions. Including, can there be justice for all? Is social justice fair, or just what is appropriate for a particular situation? Does the majority have more say than the minority? Is the law always just? Can there be equality for the minority without taking privileges from the majority? There are many problems with the society determining the definition of just. One is, if the majority is allowed to create the terms of justice the ethics of minorities will usually be treated as less important, or completely ignored. Also, to determine if something is just or unjust one has to evaluate if it encourages or prevents fairness of every individuals’ civil freedoms, not just beneficial to the more
As politicians and media figures laud the relatively lower aggregate unemployment rates and the ‘success’ of ‘welfare reform,’ more careful observers note the hidden unemployment official numbers do not account for and caution the optimists that the real test of the ‘Personal Responsibility Act’ will be as the economy goes into recession. Official unemployment figures go down not only when the unemployed find work, but when ‘discouraged workers’ drop out of the labor force, a process with harsh consequences:
In short, the principles of the welfare state set out a system of cradle-to-grave social security for the poor in society. An important aspect of this was the central role the state played in the provision of social and allied services in the UK. In view of this, several pieces of legislation were passed and implemented which institutionalise the key principles of the welfare state, and thus starting the process of creating the welfare
It is often said that in our society we have such a thing as equality, but is it actually there?, or has it become a myth. Discrimination happens everyday, anywhere at anytime. It comes from the lowest class to the highest class. People that judge you based on your looks, race, even the way you talk, dress or walk. They are everywhere and people are not treated equally
The rationale to reject state responsibility for welfare included; 1) that the welfare state had been “captured” by interest groups (Mendes 2008: 51); 2) that the laws maintaining minimum wages prevents access to jobs for less-skilled and more disadvantaged workers (Mendes 2008: 54); 3) that state welfare programs encourage ‘welfare dependency’ and inhibits self-reliance (Mendes 2008: 54); the notion of mutual obligation (Mendes 2008: 57); and the possibility of private charitable welfare (Mendes 2008: 59). By supposedly protecting people from the cradle to the grave, the ‘passive welfare’ offered by the Keynesian ‘nanny-state’ was thought by neoliberals to undermine the self-reliance and freedom of the individual. The ‘privatisation of responsibility’ can be considered the central principle around which the new moral economy of welfare would revolve (Rogers 2000: 3). In this senses, the individual, rather than society, was assigned the obligation of providing their personal welfare needs in the future (Rogers 2000:
However, welfare for families who cannot work remains low (..,...). Many who experience poverty are dependent on income support as their main source of income, however, this 'safety net' still remains below the defined level of poverty (Middleton, 2005, p.24, Piachard, 2005, p.6). The Social Exclusion Unit (2002) found that Jobcentre Plus and housing Benefit offices were inexperienced and lacked the expertise to deal with families of prisoners. Additionally, families may not claim benefit due to lack of education surround their eligibility, the stigma attached to benefits or failure to meet strict eligibility criterion (...,.....). .... also reports that some families had to wait 12 weeks without income while anew benefit claim/ revised claim is processed. In 2004, the HM Treasury aimed to tackle child poverty through the introduction of the 'New Deal' (NDLP). The aim of this scheme was to make 'work pay' by encouraging lone parents to find employment. However, this scheme's primary aim was the get parents off welfare and into employment. This proposal overlooked the social, emotions and moral complexities associated with having a parent/partner in prison and can be seen as a capitalist approach to solving unemployment (Williams, 2004,
Inequality, segregation and isolation is what our life consist of. Difference, change, POWER and commitment, are what we need. Where is the equality? The unity? We treat each other like cats and dogs. This world should be filled with diversity, but more than half the people get judged and are treated poorly. After all the wars, laws and deaths America lacks equality. Inequality exist not only in race, but also within gender, social classes and sexuality.
Discrimination made its way to planet earth way before it could be documented. Racial discrimination happens all over the world both consciously and unconsciously, destroying lives every day. Racial discrimination can best be described as, when a person is treated less favorably than another person in a similar situation because of their race, color, descent, national or ethnic origin or immigrant status. There are many forms of racial discrimination even if we don’t want to face it. Among the most important is harassment, workforce related, and cultural difference. It’s very important that we are aware of the many forms of racial discrimination so that we can refrain and report this type of unjust behavior.
An optimal economy would be 51% development and 49% fairness. Development means new ideas, room for growth, and freedoms you wouldn’t have in a totally fair economy. Fairness means everybody is the same, people get paid exactly the same no matter what job they have or how mush effort they put in or the quality of their work.
what I shall call the interpersonal test. This tests how robust a policy argument is
Beveridge’s opinion is further reinforced by the way in which the welfare state is conveyed through the media and by politicians. Media outlets such as newspapers, and TV programmes such as Benefits Street have continued to portray the concept of the welfare state as being undeserved hand-outs. The term ‘welfare’ is now widely referred to as ‘benefits’. This idea has led to the misconception of people ‘on benefits’ being lazy or work-shy. The word ‘benefit’ itself, in regard to the welfare state, presents negative connotations of advantage, personal gain and acquirement.
It is posited that the attainment of complete equality is unachievable and due to the nature of society, some individuals will be given more resources than others. However, it is the notion’s force, which, overtime, will develop ideas, attitudes and schemes to increase equality. Thus, the distributive justice approach, paired with egalitarianism, although dismissed as superficial, can provide aid for improvement to equality in the