My final paper is about a primary source from pages 342 to 344 in the textbook from Norman Pietri. In 1966 delegates from many countries gathered in Cuba in part of the Tricontinental Conference of African, Asian, and Latin American Peoples. The conference is similar to the Alliance for Progress, created by John F. Kennedy to meet in Punta del Este, Uruguay. Just like the Alliance for Progress, the Tricontinental Conference of African, Asian, and Latin American Peoples delegates speak upon their country and other countries. In the Alliance for Progress, Ernesto Guevara spoke on behalf of Cuba about the United States’ plan to imperialize. For the Tricontinental Conference, the speaker was Norman Pietri of Puerto Rico.
Norman Pietri is a delegate of Puerto Rico who represents a movement called, the Pro-Independence Movement. Norman Pietri, leader of the Pro-Independence Movement, leads a Marxist political party in the country of Puerto Rico. Pietri’s political party was among the most militant of the anti-U.S. groups and was closely connected to the leaders of Cuba. Leaders of Cuba could mean, Norman Pietri has connections with Fidel Castro and Ernesto Guevara
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In the speech, Pietri continues to discuss about the United States’ imperialism toward the countries of Puerto Rico and Cuba. In the speech, during the Tricontinental Conference of African, Asian, and Latin American Peoples, the intended audience for Norman Pietri’s speech is toward the delegates of African, Asian, and Latin American countries who are attending the conference. I believe the intended audience could interpret the speech as someone like Ernesto Guevara during his Alliance for Progress speech in 1961. Norman speaks about the United States as a country who is trying to dismantle the Caribbean countries and Latin American countries for personal
The Cuban Revolution was touchy topic for the United States and Cuba. America’s alienation of Cuba didn’t help when communism from the USSR was brewing over the revolution. When the revolution gained Castro as its leader, the worry and hatred from the United States was unbearable, especially when the Soviet Union landed in Cuba to interest Castro in its aid. The US’s fear of communism, Fidel Castro, and aid from the Soviet Union was significant because it changed the US’s political role in Cuba during the Cuban Revolution.
The Spanish-American War was considered short lived and relatively mild in terms of American casualties compared to the many wars that our nation has fought. However, it served as a historical marker that set the imperialistic momentum of our nation. It played a significant role in our nation’s strategic move towards acquiring trade routes and further strengthened our naval power. Throughout my research paper I will touch on what led to the Cuban revolution against Spain, America’s political climate at the time, and why our nation eventually decided to intervene and aid the Cubans in their fight for independence.
After it became officially globally acknowledged that Cuba was in fact a communist state and was being led through a dictatorship run by Castro, it did not take long before powerful enemies and essential allies were formed. The act of seizing all foreign land with none or very little compensation was received with great hostility amongst those who lost in their property through this process, and probably the reaction that had the biggest impact on Cuba’s economy was that of the US. Castro’s communistic policies did not of course help calm this resentment and also took part in leading to the establishment of trade embargos with Cuba from the US. This meant that Cuba would now lose a very valuable buyer of their precious sugar, [5] but they did however gain another one, a powerful nation that shared quite similar Marxist ideals and were quick to form an alliance with the Cubans, the USSR.
Another reason forimplementing the embargo on Cuba concerns the corrupt communist government andUS hopes of promoting a transition to a democratic system. On February 3, 1962,President Kennedy was confident that “Castro was moving toward theestablishment of a to! talitarian regime in alliance with the Soviet Union”(DeVarona 7). This raised a huge national defense issue since Cuba is only 90miles from US soil. The US government claims that the transition from communismto democracy will help Cuba flourish, as other democratic countries in thewestern hemisphere have. (“Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of1996”).
Time and history has shown us over and over again the power of words. Great leaders of the world obtain that magnetic pull with words that enable them to reach masses of people throughout the world. It’s all determined by how the speaker or the writer tries to convey his or her message and what they hope to achieve with their words. The Cuban writer, José Martí evidently establishes his political views through his written piece, “Our America”. Martí’s written work is manifested by his political choice of words and distinct approaches that speak to both his fellow Cubans and the higher nations of Spain and the United Sates throughout his essay. Martí saw this as an opportunity to demonstrate the effects of imperialism of other nations in Latin
During the Cold War, relations between Cuba and the United States were icy. Cuba was allied with the USSR, America’s enemy, and was well within their sphere of influence. With events like the failed Bay of Pigs invasion and the Cuban Missile Crisis happening on their soil, Cuba was at the center of the Cold War. Between ideological differences and their alliance with Russia, Cuba became an enemy of America as well. It took the efforts of ten American presidents, six Popes, and countless other actors, but Cuba and America are finally in the process of normalizing relations. There is still work to be done, but the path is clear and the time is right. However, one cannot simply ignore the last fifty years. In that time, millions of lives were affected by the lack of social, economic, and political ties between the U.S. and Cuba. In this paper, I will analyze the last fifty years of U.S. - Cuban relations by looking at the involved actors, their means, and their values and interests through the lenses of two paradigms, realism and constructivism.
stated the necessity of the Soviet Union and Cuba to become allies, and this move would also influence many countries in Latin America to become allies with the Soviet Union rather than the U.S and the West.
In Contesting Castro, the author, Thomas Paterson, attempts to give reasons for what caused the disconnect between the United States and Cuba. He supports his reasoning by giving his readers many different accounts, quotes, and views from the people who were involved in the many different problems that led up to the severed relationship. After reading through the book, Paterson does an excellent job of explaining the sometimes-complex circumstances that led to the United States and Cuba not having a relationship.
During the 1890’s in America, the goals of expansion and imperialism were heavily influenced by Americans. To this day, Historians are still trying figure out: did this lust for power influence America’s infiltration of Cuba in the 1898? Currently, there are multiple theories to this scenario such as the Americans wanting Cuba’s rich lands. The picture on Document D “Miss Cuba Receives an Invitation” represents Ms. Columbia inviting Cuba to “be my forty-sixth [state]?”
When Fidel Castro took over Cuba by means of a revolution, he quickly established his government as the first openly Communist government in the western hemisphere. He petitioned the Soviet Union for aid, which was cheerfully given him. These events went against our current policies, as well as the Monroe Doctrine, which established us as the police force of the western hemisphere. Ninety miles away from the greatest bastion of Capitalism was now residing its greatest foe. This tense situation was brought to a boiling point by the arrival of
American attitudes towards Latin America can be summed up as an extension of larger global directives, and the exclusion of foreign powers in the region. This was highlighted especially during the Cold War as US involvement was essentially in competition with the USSR. Latin America was therefore a mere pawn in the larger context of US-Soviet competition for global dominance. The actions and methods used are also characterized by the lack of an international authority, or an atmosphere of inter-state anarchy, which shaped their calculations in the endeavor to increase their influence over Latin America. When one analyzes the situation, it seems only rational that the United States treated its southern neighbors so, due to the geographical
Historical Document A and Recent Document A flow on the basis of the United States’ actions in Latin America. The primary document gives one a look into information that the United States could use to take advantage of the people of recently acquired tropical islands, such as Cuba and Puerto Rico. The newer document then informs the reader that in recent years Latin America has become more apprehensive towards U.S. intervention in the region. Historical Document A provides us with the power that the U.S. once had over regions in Latin America, while Recent Document A presents us with the outcome of such endeavors. Latin Americans have seen what the United States has done in the past, and do not wish to relive such abuse.
The chapter begins by discussing how Jose Marti began a rebellion for the Cubans against the last Spanish holdings in the Americas. While Marti began to restore freedom to the Cubans from the Spanish, his next big task would be that of military occupation and political domination by the United States. At this time the United States was regarded as the world’s imperial power.
in such a manner as to avoid any appearance of U.S. intervention.” The plan went on to describe four points: 1) the creation of a responsible and unified Cuban opposition to the Castro regime located outside of Cuba; 2) the development of a means for mass communication to the Cuban people as part of a powerful propaganda offensive; 3) the creation and development of a covert intelligence and action organization within Cuba which would respond to the orders and directions of the exile opposition; and 4) the development of a paramilitary force outside of Cuba for future guerrilla action.
1) The creation of a responsible and unified Cuban opposition to the Castro regime located outside of Cuba,