During the 1980s and 1990s a crack epidemic started to occur in the united states consequently the amount of Prenatal cocaine exposure, also commonly known as “crack babies”, started to rise as well (“Ferguson”). In the year 1989 a hospital in South Carolina decided to start performing urine test on pregnant mothers in the hopes that they would be able to find the mothers using cocaine and refer them to counseling. Shortly after the testing was introduced the Medical University of South Carolina decided that these mothers would also be passed over to the city of Charleston's police for prosecution (“Ferguson”). The police force and the hospital worked side by side and created a method of testing the pregnant mothers. The hospital would select …show more content…
If the test was positive but was before the 28th week of her pregnancy she would be charged with possession of a narcotic (“Ferguson”). If the test was positive and it was past her 28th week of pregnancy she would be charged with the possession and distribution to a person under the age of 18. Finally, if she delivered the baby and tested positive for illegal drugs she would be charged with unlawful neglect of a child (“Ferguson”). Soon multiple pregnant women who had been subjected to the testing decided to sue the MUSC hospital for their system of drug testing pregnant women. These women argued that by drug testing the hospital was infringing on their fourth amendment right, which prohibits unreasonable searches and seizures and requires any warrant to be judicially sanctioned and supported by probable cause. However the hospital also had a defense, arguing that the women had given their permission for the testing and that the testing fell under special non-law enforcement purposes (“Ferguson”). …show more content…
The majority consisted of justice Stevens, O'Connor, Kennedy, Souter, Ginsburg, and Breyer. Justice Stevens, who delivered the opinion of the court stated that “a diagnostic test to obtain evidence of a patient's criminal conduct for law enforcement purposes is an unreasonable search if the patient has not consented to the procedure” (“Opinion of the Court”, 2001). The minority, which included justices Rehnquist, Scalia, and Thomas, said in their dissenting opinion delivered by Justice Scalia that “the doctors and nurses were ministering not just to the mothers but also to the children whom their cooperation with the police was meant to protect” (“Scalia, J., dissenting”, 2001).
Although I immensely disagree with the actions and behaviors of these mothers and the damage they are consequently causing to their child, I have to view this issue as if I was a judge and if I do that I would have to agree with the opinion of the Supreme Court. We live in a country where is no one is above or below the law, no matter what they do, or how they behave. Even though these women may have been participating in some very harmful acts they still deserve to have the basic rights allowed to them in the Fourth amendment. Even though these women may have willing gave them the sample, they didn't know what that sample was going to be tested for or how it could affect them. These were unknowingly subjected to testing that could later
In 1989, a public hospital in Charleston, South Carolina began implementing a policy to randomly test women for drugs who came for prenatal care or delivery without their informed consent. If the women tested positive, they were arrested and not given the opportunity to seek drug treatment. In 1990, the policy was modified to allow the women to avoid being arrested if they entered into a drug treatment program, attended all their counseling appointments, and passed all their subsequent drug tests. Ten women tested positive for cocaine were arrested and responded by suing the hospital and the state. In 2001, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in favor of the women because the tests were administered without their consent.
Crack users range from the Wall Street stockbroker to a homeless person living in Central Park, but by and large this evil drug called crack had its biggest impact on New York’s inner city minority population. A New York doctor, Dr. Mark Gold who is the person who set up and helps run the not for profit organization called 800-COCAINE, a hotline set up to help addicts and perspective users answer questions about the drug and also offers counseling and drug intervention services; suggested that his findings showed that, “occasional users of crack quickly increased, the amount and frequency of crack use until total dependency was achieved.” Men and women who were once law abiding citizens and honest people were now robbing and stealing to pay for the drug, and many who once enjoyed good health were now suffering from a variety of physical and mental aliments springing from their cocaine abuse. Crack brings along with its amazing high, some ominous dangers. Dr. Robert Maslansky is the director of New York City’s Bellevue Hospital
Another case that establishes the premise for determining the validity of the search includes United States v. Matlock. The question before the Court in Matlock was whether the third party's consent for the police to search the defendant's house was "legally sufficient" to render the evidence admissible at trial. Police officers arrested the defendant in his front yard, but did not request his permission to search the house. Instead, some of the police officers approached the house and requested permission to search from Mrs. Graff, who lived in the house with defendant. Mrs. Graff consented to the search and the officers found nearly $5,000 in cash in a closet. Both the district court and the court of appeals excluded the evidence from the trial, finding that Mrs. Graff did not have the authority to consent to the search. The Supreme Court granted certiorari to settle this evidentiary issue. Justice White, for the Court, espoused the
During 1984 through 1994, 10 years into The Crack Epidemic, the homicide rate of African American males aged 14-17 doubled. Along with an increase of African American children in foster care, fetal death rates and weapon arrests. Roles lost in families and the community. Health and lifestyle of the African American communities depleting due to the powerful affects of crack cocaine. The African American community has been significantly affected by The Crack Epidemic in the areas of health and culture as a result of where the source of crack cocaine introduced itself in America, laws surrounding crack cocaine and the perception of the drug.
I would like to research if women should face criminal charges for using drugs while pregnant. Women who use substances while pregnant is a serious social and health issue. Prenatal exposure to substances can lead to a number of medical, physical and behavioral problems for the child. Many women who use drugs while pregnant become involved with the legal system and face criminal prosecution, child abuse and neglect charges.
The California Court of Appeal found the warrantless search was justified by Rojas’s written and verbal consent. The court agreed with the majority of the federal circuits, in that, this case was “indispensable to the decision in Randolph.” The decision was ultimately concluded that a tenant’s objection has no force if he or she is not physically present. Therefore held, the warrantless search was lawful because Rojas; a co-tenant, consented. Fernandez was denied review in the California Court of Appeal, however certiorari was granted.
Through the years, substance misuse in the United States has turned into an industrious issue influencing numerous people. In 2008, it was assessed that 17.8 million Americans beyond 18 years old where substance subordinate. Women who use medications during pregnancy can have an enduring impact on fetal. Medications can have an impact of maternal and child wellbeing, yet there are a lot of different variables, which influence it, poor social environment, nourishment, cleanliness, and sexual abuse. Regenerative interruption connected with heroin utilization has been shown in both and women and even low dosages of opiates can impede ordinary ovarian capacity and ovulation. The harm that goes hand in hand with substance utilization comes either straightforwardly from the impact of the medication itself or from issues identified with development and/or unexpected labor. The entanglements of jumbling components clamorous way of life, poor nourishment, liquor utilization and cigarette smoking influence the appraisal of the impacts of cocaine in pregnancy. In obstetric practice, 100% of pregnant women utilizing cocaine or heroin are cigarette smokers. Cigarette smoking is presumably the most well known manifestation of substance utilizes and is noteworthy corresponding considering ladies who use unlawful medications. Babies whose moms smoked in pregnancy have a tendency to have lower conception weights and diminished length, cranial and thoracic
The term epidemic is typically used in relation to the spread of a disease however; in the mid 1980’s this term was attached to crack cocaine. The crack cocaine epidemic described the impact of a newly created drug on most U.S. cities in the northeast and Mid Atlantic. Washington, D.C. provided the perfect setting for crack cocaine to flourish. Plenty of low-income inner city housing projects complete with open air drug markets labeled D.C. as a leading U.S. city with a major crack cocaine problem. As crack cocaine became a national talking point the federal government stepped in to curb its use. Congress along
The data showed that between 2009 and 2010, 16.2 percent of women between the ages of 15-17 years old, 7.4 percent of women between the ages of 18-25 years old, and 1.9 percent of women between the ages of 26-44 years old had used illicit drugs while pregnant. The data also showed substance abuse during pregnancy among different ethnic and racial groups. African Americans had the highest percentage in 2010 at 10.7 percent. The next highest was the White population at 9.1 percent. Hispanics or Latino’s percentage was 8.1 percent and the Asian population had the lowest percentage at 3.5 percent (“Results from”, 2011).
363). Kennedy (1998) further suggested that Roberts failed to explain why there was a difference between prosecuting women for fetal endangerment and helping women to heave healthy pregnancies. Roberts (1991) noted the debate of this issue has overlooked a critical aspect of government prosecution of drug addicted mothers. Roberts (1991) concludes by advocating a progressive concept of privacy that places an affirmative obligation of the government to guarantee individual rights and recognizes the connection between the rights of privacy and racial
PORTLAND, Oregon- “I was terrified,” plaintiff Dr. Warren Martin Hern stated as he heard he was on the “Deadly Dozen, GUILTY” poster. The first amendment has been strained throughout this case for the reasons of the unknown. The major question in the Planned Parenthood of the Columbia/Willamette, Inc. v. ACLA case is “what defines a true threat?”
When assessing Fourth Amendment challenges to blood and DNA extraction and evaluation, Samson v. California remains essential to understand the evolution of the Fourth Amendment. In Samson v. California, a law enforcement officer, familiar with a defendant’s parole status from a prior encounter, searched a man without a warrant. The officer soon discovered methamphetamine concealed in a cigarette box while searching the parolee’s car. The officer convicted Samson, the parolee, with drug possession charges. In argument, Samson insisted the drugs were inadmissible as evidence, furthermore the search had violated his Fourth Amendment rights and violated his right to privacy. Samson v. California reached the Supreme Court to decide whether the Fourth Amendment prohibits police from conducting a warrantless search of a person who was
New Tennessee law that criminalizes mothers for using drugs while being pregnant. A mother became the first women to be arrested and charged for breaking the new Tennessee law that criminilizes mothers for using drugs while being pregnant. She admitted to smoking meth just a few days before giving birth, both her and her baby tested positive for methamphatamine. State senator, Mike Bell states why he noted against the measure, “I represent a rural district…there’s no treatment facility for these women there, and it would be a substantial drive for a woman caught in one of these situations to go to an approved treatment facility. Looking at the map of the state, there are several areas where this is going to be a problem. “Dorothy Roberts from
The question about whether pregnant women are liable for subjecting their unborn children to risk has yet to be properly addressed. One state South Carolina has been on the forefront of this issue. The Supreme Court in South Carolina in 1997 in the case Whitner vs. South Carolina decided that pregnant women who exposed their viable fetuses may be persecuted under the state child abuse laws. This action was specifically targeting women who use illegal drugs during pregnancy. Since this decision, other states like Arizona and Florida are following suit. In South Carolina, the Medical University of South Carolina Hospital routinely tested the urine of pregnant women for
The rationality of those who support the punishment of addicted mothers focus on the idea that maternal conduct could lead to potential detrimental effects upon the fetus and that prosecution of such behavior would serve as both retribution for the fetus and as a deterrent. Whereas those who advocate for the pregnant women view this rational as not only impermissible but also unconstitutional as in current legal standing the fetus has no rights that usurp those of the pregnant woman (Stone-Manista, 2009, pp.823-856). Advocates also suggests that the breadth of forces that lead to drug use in pregnant women have a prevalent cultural and social foundation that the proponents for deterrence and retribution ignore in favor of strict scrutiny. This conflict between women’s rights and fetal rights has caused a paradigm in the prosecution of pregnant drug users as the interpretation of criminal sanctions argues over the definition of ‘child’ as encompassing fetuses in the definition would then lay the foundation for punishment for a woman’s conduct during pregnancy (Stone-Magnets, 2009, pp.823-856). Though currently it is unconstitutional and legally impermissible to prosecute women with state child abuse statutes in regards to drug use during pregnancy; advocates of fetal rights continue to follow