Alexis De Tocqueville, Democracy in America
Aristocracy is a phenomenon that is perhaps as natural a summer crop, and as devastating as the locusts that eat it. De Tocqueville’s position on aristocracy is quite clear. He is a strong advocate of the aristocracy, it is a part of the natural order and necessary. His position may have some basis, however I have yet to see the “upside'; of a caste system or a good defense of it.
De Tocqueville believes that aristocracy provides stability and fellowship. De Tocqueville’s support of aristocracy is weak and ill founded. His first point of aristocracy is that of stability, “Among aristocratic
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A community bound by social class is often referred to as a slaving society. The people at the bottom of this system are indebted to those above with nowhere else to turn. The man who is bound to another of a higher class is most likely to be exploited, for in an aristocratic society one has only the aristocrats to turn to for justice. Unfortunately, a man needs justice most when he is mistreated by the aristocracy.
The aristocracy is “closely attached to something placed out of their own sphere,'; is another idea that De Tocqueville had of the aristocracy. In reality, the aristocracy probably had very little to do with anything outside of their “sphere';. He also claims that “they are often disposed to forget themselves.';. If aristocrats thought about anything besides themselves, then perhaps they would have eased some of the suffering in the world. They could not know or care about anything that was not in their immediate world. It is unlikely that they would be so out of their “sphere'; that they could have possibly known the poor man’s plight, or have cared. It does not hurt the aristocrat if families live on the street.
According to Tocqueville, the American social condition is eminently democratic, ultimately paving the way for the United States to become a society of equality. He interprets the topic of equality to be a negative element of democracy, as it has the tendency to deter individuals, who in a more aristocratic society, would become outstanding individuals, from reaching their highest potential. Although saddened by this fact, Tocqueville quickly notes that this is unfortunately inevitable. He introduces a new concept that arises from times of equality, individualism. Tocqueville defines individualism as, “a reflective and quiet sentiment that inclines each individual to distance himself from a crowd of peers and to draw apart with his own family and friends; in this way, he builds his own private world, willingly leaving the larger world to itself.” He warns of the dangers associated with individualism and how individualism can eventually merge into what he refers to as egoism. The autobiographies included in First Person Past emphasize the results of these individualistic motives through the lives of
Alexis de Tocqueville's visit to the United States in the early part of the nineteenth century prompted his work Democracy in America, in which he expressed the ability to make democracy work. Throughout his travels Tocqueville noted that private interest and personal gain motivated the actions of most Americans, which in turn cultivated a strong sense of individualism. Tocqueville believed that this individualism would soon "sap the virtue of public life" (395) and create a despotism of selfishness. This growth of despotism would be created by citizens becoming too individualistic, and therefore not bothering to fulfill their civic duties or exercise their freedom. Tocqueville feared that the political order of America would soon become
A Tale of Two Cities clearly portrays very distinct divisions in the behavior of men. The aristocrats, or upperclassmen, rule and control all of France. The members of the aristocracy never have to undergo hardships; they always have everything presented to them on a silver platter. They do whatever they want with total disregard for the
Democracy in America, by Alexis de Tocqueville includes Tocqueville’s observations on what American society and culture was like during the 1830’s. Throughout his analysis of America, he draws many outlandish and interesting conclusions regarding what life was like during this time period. For example, in Chapter 18, Tocqueville remarks that citizens in democratic societies are independent, which makes them weak and subsequently uninfluential in society. He goes on to say that in order to combat this, associations must be established to combat individualism and to circulate new thoughts and ideas. All in all, Tocqueville’s claim is certainly valid, but only up to a certain point because there were a select few of individuals that were able to make an influence on society without the help from any associations.
What relationships of power are featured in “Virginian Luxuries” (Document 1)? How are unequal power relationships reflected in Toqueville’s distinctions between the three races (Document 2)? What future does Toqueville predict for these groups of people and why? Based upon your own knowledge, how accurate do you believe Toqueville’s observations and predictions were?
Tocqueville further argues that unlike “aristocracy (that) links everybody, from peasant to king, in one long chain. Democracy breaks the chain and frees each link…men have gained or kept enough wealth and enough understanding to look after their own needs. Such folk owe no man anything and hardly expect anything from anybody” (Tocqueville, 2006, p. 508). The chain that exists in aristocracy no longer exists in democracy for individuals earn their own keep and does not need to rely on others. Thus, with democracy, individuals in capitalist society are independent and equal in social and economic
Pierre de La Primaudaye thought nobility needed self-worth before such nobility were to even be inherited; he said you need to contribute to the family name [Doc 2]. Villagers of Mondeville in a testimony to the Parlement that nobility isn’t a perfect breed they shouldn’t hold such prestige over other people, saying that Pierre Morin believed his noble status gives him the right to mistreat anyone who is not royal or noble [Doc 3]. Henry, Prince of Condé spoke about the current nobility buying their way into offices, saying that there is no reward for virtue or tradition of family since all power now belongs to favors, alliances, kinship, and money [Doc 4].
Democracy in America has been a guiding principle since the foundation of the country. Many over the years have commented on the structure and formation of democracy but more importantly the implementation and daily function within the democratic parameters that have been set. Alexis de Tocqueville was a French political thinker and historian born July 29, 1805. He is most famously known for his work Democracy in America. Democracy in America has been an evolving social and economic reform, and has continually changed since it’s founding.
The French Nobility has been around since the beginning of the Roman Empire. Similar to the Romans, the French organized their state around the nobility and the clergy, not taking into account the massive amount of commoners. The Third Estate was finally created centuries later to help bring order and give common people their own place within society. Charles Loyseau and Isabelle de Charriere are two prime sources that compare French nobility during the 17th and 18th century, leading up to the French Revolution. Charles Loyseau, both a jurist and legal scholar evaluates French society in his writing A Treatise on Orders. In the writing of his treatise, Loyseau describes the “social anatomy of France” in an
D’Antraigues is implying that the “people’s” (the third estate’s) opinions are the most important and therefore should be the most influential. He goes on to say that the government’s ignorance of common people’s opinions was a significant mistake. 18th century France was divided into three social classes. The first estate consisted of 100,000 clergy, the second estate contained 300,000 nobles, and the third estate which was made up of about 23.5 million French citizens一primarily peasants. The jump in population from the second to the third estate is significant. In a fair world, the third estate would receive the most say in the country’s matters (such as the government) simply because they make up the majority of the population. But in France, it was the opposite situation. In theory, there was supposed to be a regularly held meeting in France called the Estates General. In this meeting, representatives from the three estates assembled to provide guidance to the King of France in order to maintain a functioning and fair society. The original function of the meeting was to approve or deny taxes. In reality, by the time of the French Revolution, the Estates General had not met for over 100 years, meaning that all political decisions were made solely by the monarch, with only a small amount of influence from the wealthy and the powerful. Because
De Tocqueville’s Democracy and Aristocracy Argument on Argument states the differences between an Aristocratic and Democratic way of living. The essay begins with the statement, “Among aristocratic nations, as families remain for centuries in the same condition, often on the same spot, all generations become, as it were, contemporaneous.” Giving the illusion that everyone lives in perfect harmony and is satisfied with their current social status. Everyone is content to work, not to improve his own well being, but to improve the wellbeing of his fellow man. By having the support of others, everyone meets their needs. Tocqueville writes “he will frequently sacrifice his personal gratifications to those who went before and to those who will come after him.” This quote gives the impression that people living in an aristocratic nation are unselfish and always willing to help. By always doing the same thing and always remaining at the same social status, people would always know what is depended on them. According to Tocqueville each social status the depends on the other and that is why Aristocracy remains strong like a chain.
Alexis de Tocqueville was born on July 29, 1805, in Paris, France. He was a historian, political scientist, and a politician, but he is best known as the author of Democracy in America. He began his political career as an apprentice magistrate, a role he was easily able to enter into due to his father’s role in French government. In the role of apprentice magistrate, Tocqueville witnessed the constitutional upheaval between the conservatives and liberals in France. With the inevitable decline of the aristocratic privilege on the horizon, he began to study the English political development. For Tocqueville, the July Revolution of 1830 and the resulting kingship of Louis Philippe of Orleans helped
Emmanuel Siyès argued that the privileges of the aristocracy essentially established it as a foreign body outside of the commonwealth of France. He denounced the nobility by declaring that it had been able to reap the rewards of the working class without providing any contributions to society. Moreover, he said that the nobility was able to do away with these “act[s] of treason to the commonwealth” because it became so powerful, both politically and socially, allowing it to manipulate the government into benefitting solely itself
Another comparison and contrast between Charles Dickens, Alexis De Tocqueville, and Fanny Trollope is how they managed and experienced life within the newly found Americas. Charles Dickens, Alexis De Tocqueville, and Fanny Trollope traveled to the United States to experience what America had to offer and they all experienced something different and new. America is well known for its immigrants and migration to America, this dates all the way back to the 1820’s throughout the Nineteenth Century. Alexis De Tocqueville and his traveling companion Beaumont traveled for nine months by steamboat, by stagecoach, on horseback and in canoes, visiting America’s penitentiaries and experiencing the newly found Americas. Tocqueville spent time interviewing
The nobility of the Kingdom of France has been evaluated by various scholars of history. There is something to be said, however, for those who chronicled their impressions while living them in the 17th and 18th centuries. The excerpts of Charles Loyseau’s A Treatise on Orders, written in 1610, and Isabelle de Charriere’s The Nobleman, written in 1763 provide two very different glimpses on the French nobility from differing time periods. From these two accounts, it is clear that there was a marked shift in the way some viewed the nobility and their role in the operation of the French state. While Loyseau praises the nobility nearly wholeheartedly,