In the article “Do Muslims Vote Islamic Now?” by Charles Kurzman and Didem Kürkoğlu, they discuss possible patterns and phenomena surrounding the lull and brief rise of Islamic political parties following the “Arab Spring”, and as to whether these parties have become more popular with Muslim people in recent years. Throughout this paper, I will be summarizing their arguments and providing my own thoughts on the strengths and weaknesses of the article. I will begin by breaking down the change in support for Islamic parties before and after the Arab Spring, as well as how the competition between said Islamic parties led to wide-spread violence, and finally, how liberalism in Islamic parties seems to be at a standstill. Following this, I will …show more content…
In terms of measuring whether Muslim people usually vote Islamic, in 2010, the answer to this question would have been a solid ‘no’. At least, not usually or in large numbers; and this lack of popularity only seemed to increase in freer elections, despite Islamic parties having more liberal platforms. However, following the Arab Spring in late 2010 and early 2011, these findings seem to have been reversed, with Islamic parties being put into office across Northern Africa and the rise of conservative movements (Kurzman …show more content…
Usually throughout the world, tensions can take years to produce any serious actions, but this was not the case following the Arab Spring. In Egypt, this boiling tension only increased during 2012 with a parliamentary election around the corner; Mohamed Morsi of the Freedom and Justice Party of Egypt won presidency that summer, but just one year later was violently removed via a military coup endorsed by Nour (as known as the Party of Light) and led to the deaths of many of the FJP’s supporters and the imprisonment of many of its members (Kurzman and Kürkoğlu 103). And even after coup, many revolutionary Islamic groups have derided Islamic political parties for following and being a part of democratic processes due to the lack of jihad, even going so far as to attack and kill Islamic leaders who are supportive of democracy (103-104). This violent behaviour speaks ill of what could happen under a heavily conservative Islamic government, especially considering how damaging autocracies and non-liberal democracies can be even outside of major areas such as human rights, women’s rights, minority rights, religious rights, and the many manner of freedoms liberal democracies
It answers, as far as it can, questions as “Is Islam against the West?” and “Who defines moderate Islam post 9/11?”. In one of the case studies presented in the book, the author discusses the impact of 9/11 has had on British Muslim Identity, giving an overview of the presence of British Muslims, then looks at 9/11 and the impact it has had on the British Muslim community.
blight on society rather than a useful addition. Abdul presents controversial ideas and themes such as the discrimination that Muslims face in everyday life, the ‘expectation’ all Muslims are extremist, and that they are seen by some as ‘less than
Farid Esack describes the situation of progressive Muslims post 9/11. He does this because their role has become significantly important in the society they live in. Progressive Muslims described by him are liberal Muslims who are seeking for a change but according to their conservative values. He describes the attacks from 9/11 represents a collision of two forms of religious fundamentalism, the American capitalistic market that was attacked by the angry religious individuals. These individuals portray an insult and a threat to Islam and to the people who follow it in a decisive correct manner.
In the essay entitled “Islam and Democracy”, Benazir Bhutto argues that democracy and Islam are not mutually exclusive ideas, but can coexist peacefully. She provides ample evidence to back up this theory, citing both the Quran and the Constitution of Pakistan. Bhutto also provides the reader with reasons she believes the two are so rarely seen together. She attributes this to both religious extremism and the hypocritical policies of western countries; in particular, she points out the United States’ talent for supporting freedom in other countries only when it directly benefits the U.S. economy.
The topic of this essay was one that seemed the most relevant at this given moment in time. Post 9/11, Western media became very critical of Islam and the portrayal of Muslims and the negative associations made with them has dramatically increased.
According to the author and professor of religion at San Diego State University, Khaleel Mohammed, and many Muslims around the United States, Islam is progressively increasing worldwide and is soon to be the world’s largest religion. After 9/11, Americans seem to look at Muslim people a whole lot differently, and think of the Muslim religion as something completely different than what it really is. According to the author Edward Said, Muslims were mostly viewed as “oil suppliers” and nothing more, dating back about twenty years before the tragedies of September 11. In the 1997 article published by Edward Said titled, Covering Islam, he states how the Muslims were the last acceptable form of foreign culture in the west. On top of these discriminatory
The term “Arab Spring” has emerged in academic literature as well as in the general media from about early 2011. It refers to the “awakening” of some Arab nations and the movements to replace authoritarian regimes with democratic ones. The theme of “spring” and “awakening” seems to have been borrowed from the 1989 reform movements in the former Eastern-block nations, such as in the former German Democratic Republic or Hungary. However, this comparison has been criticised by some analysts since both the circumstances which have led to these movements as well as the outcome of these reform efforts seem to differ quite a lot. Yet, the Arab Spring term seems to be still widely used and even found an extension in the creation of the term Arab Winter which refers to events that happened in 2012 in some Arab countries during which these reform movements seemed to have “cooled-off” and particular nations, such as Egypt, attempted to go back to the status-quo of the pre-2011 era.
Islam relations with foreign countries have the most profound impact on political stability. These relations aren’t directly affecting the Islamic nations’ political stability as much as the nations’ they are interacting with. Take example, the United States. Ever since September 11, 2001 Americans have been divided over the issue of Muslims in America, this issue has been dividing our country more than theirs. Liberals believe the U.S. government should cooperate with them, hoping to achieve peace on a personal level, whereas the conservatives hope to confront them and give them the same low tolerance treatment they have been dishing out. The Liberals hold the belief that Muslim politics in America are a positive aspect because it’s making us better-rounded; through learning about Muslim culture and government we are able to appeal towards a greater number of people—creating the ultimate democracy. In contrast, Conservatives believe that war is the sole solution because it will prove to the Islamic governments that American strength is far superior, thus intimidating them. Muslim immigration
Instead, from its onset, Islam spread as a conquering power and remained that way for some time. Explaining it this way, the reader gets a sense of the psychology behind Islam and why, besides being a religious task, spreading Islam is such a goal. By showing the issues Islam faces today in the context of past Islamic traditions, Lewis paints a much clearer picture of the skewed view today’s radicals have and the way they use history to manipulate. He examines influential Muslim voices like Saddam Hussein and Usama Bin Laden, who have used history to give Islam victim status or to claim the continuance of a predecessor’s mission to not only justify terrorist activities, but also to recruit followers. He tells the history of Bin Laden’s statement referring to the “humiliation and disgrace” Islam supposedly has suffered. What Bin Laden was referring to was the defeat of the Ottoman sultanate in 1918 and the imperial presence of Westerners on sacred Muslim lands. Lewis explains the offense many Muslims take to the desecration of their holy lands by foreigners. He describes how the discovery and exploitation of oil in the Holy Land of the Hijaz has exacerbated the growing resentment many Muslims
While the events of September 11, 2001, cast the Islam religion in an unfavorable light, this has not dampened the enthusiasm of the Muslim members, nor has it
A revolutionary wave of demonstrations and protests (both violent and non-violent), riots, and civil wars in the Arab World that began on 18 December 2010, later gained the heading “The Arab spring”. The Arab spring began by a twenty six year old boy named Mohammed Bouazizi was getting ready to sell fruits and vegetables in a rural town of Sidi Bouzid Tunisia. Bouazizi was the primary supporter for his widowed mother and six of his siblings. The entire incident originated when the police officer asked bouazizi to hand over his wooden cart, he refused the police women allegedly slapped him after being publicly humiliated bouazizi marched in front of a government building and set himself on fire. The Jasmine revolution in Tunisia, the shock wave swept across the country which threatened the stability of this oil-rich region with repercussion felt internationally. After the world witnessed what happened in Tunisia, it caused a spilled over into most of the Arab countries. Such as Egypt, Libya Syria and Yemen. Aim of this paper is to show that the current situation corollary of decades of failed policies, exacerbated by an unsolicited foreign intervention. The extensive consequences, I will argue, require cautious attention and careful management from international communities as well as the Arab human rights committee. This paper seeks to explore the profound causes that prompted the so called “Arab awakening” and the covert hidden agenda behind the sudden pro democratic
In recent months we have seen political unrest in Tunisia, Egypt and other Middle Eastern countries. In each of these countries the political leadership had amassed immense power and was using these powers to restrain and limit their countrymen from development. The ruling class clearly had formed a political structure with a clear agenda to inhibit the growth of their fellow citizens. In the past few decades, people from these countries have endured structural violence due to political hegemony. Exposure to western media has made the people realize the advantage of distributed power. Hence these countries are witnessing a surge of protest, with people fighting against the system. Parsons emphasizes on the distribution of political power and its effects throughout his
The connection between Islam and terrorism was not intensified until the 9/11 attack on the World Trade Center that pushed the Islamic faith into the national and international spotlight (Smith, 2013). As Smith (2013) articulated, “Many Americans who had never given Islam a second thought before 9/11 now had to figure out how to make sense of these events and relate to the faith tradition that ostensibly inspired them” (p. 1). One way in which people made sense of these events was through the media channels that influenced their overall opinions by shaping a framework of censored ideas (Yusof, Hassan, Hassan & Osman, 2013). In a survey conducted by Pew Forum (2012), 32% of people reported that their opinions of Muslims were greatly influenced by the media’s portrayal of Islam that depicted violent pictorials and fundamentalist Muslims. Such constant negative depiction is likely to lead to the inevitable—prejudice and hate crime. For instance, in 2002 alone there were approximately 481 hate crimes that were carried out against Muslims (Smith, 2013). Ever since the 9/11 attacks Muslim people have been the target of “suspicion, harassment and discrimination” (Talal, n.d., p. 9).
Islam is exceptional when it comes to religion and politics. Never before has a leader been exemplary in both religion and the politics. History has shown that many religious leaders, some of whom were prophets and founders of various religions, and many political leaders who were founders of different nations and political groups; but not exceptional religious leaders. Prophet Muhammad, the founder of Islamic religion, has demonstrated to be exceptional being both a political and religious leader. Shadi Hamid explains many aspects of Islam and its relationship to politics. He compared Islam from the 7th century to how the Islam is today. Hamid highlights the intense struggle the caliphates (Islamic leaders) faced in order to legitimize political order based on Islamic view. From his perspectives, the western nations, specifically Europeans and Americans, are in denial that Islam has “creed, theology, and practice,” which are virtually not existent in other religions. His main argument is that Islam is exceptional because the founder of Islam, “Prophet Muhammad was a theologian, a politician, a warrior, a preacher, and a merchant all at once. He was also the builder of state”. I agree with Hamid’s statement. Therefore, I would argue that Islam, compared to other religion, has some special relation to politics or political issue since its founder was both a religious and political leader, and he acted upon the law in his governance.
Over the last century, the Middle East has been the location of ethnic rivalry, political and economic instability, religious conflict, territorial dispute and war. Much of this tension in the Middle East comes from the various interpretations of Islam and how the religion should be applied to politics and society. Over the last ten years, the United States and their allies have pushed to promote democracy in the Middle East. However, they too have many obstacles they must overcome. They face problems such as the compatibility of Islamic law and democracy, the issue of women’s rights, and there is always the problem of how to go about implementing a democratic reform in these countries. Many initially would assume that it is only the