In an effort to further understand extreme Right parties, scholars have broken into two dominant camps: the demand-side/externalist camp and the electoral- behavior internalist camp. The externalist camp views the extreme Right as the product of a series of external factors- they analyze the economic, social, cultural environments that preceded the rise of the far right (Blee, 2007). This camp adopts a macro-level approach when studying the extreme right and as such look at immigration, anti-establishment sentiment, social breakdown, the ‘losers’ of modernization, and the reaction to the ‘new’ politics of feminists and ecologists (Goodwin, 2006). Although he admits that externalism points scholars in the right direction, Goodwin says this …show more content…
The internalist approach is more concerned with what the party has done to become prominent-therefore this approach focuses on party activists, leadership, organization and ideology (Goodwin, 2006). Proponents of the internalist approach believe that the success of the extreme right is based on them finding a winning balance of the four factors mentioned above. To them, the extreme right must have a strong charismatic leader, passionate engaged activists; a strong organizational system consisting of high quality and quantity party membership, staffing, actors and finance as well as strong willingness and ability to deploy the resources (Goodwin, 2006). Although the internalist perspective grants incredible insight into the mindset of the supporters and members of the extreme right, papers with this perspective are rare because of the suspiciousness of such characters- they do not trust intellectuals, entry into the group is difficult, and gaining access to the group can be dangerous (Blee, 2007). Furthermore, the rarity of internalist approaches is made more difficult by how intellectuals view the extreme right, in that intellectuals have relegated the extreme right to the edge of politics and have casted them and their reasoning as ‘alien’-especially since the end of WW2 (Blee,
Watson’s focus on political parties, chapter 6, is an important part of this book. Not only does it support his argument, but it also gives the reader
"Choosing Sides: The Rise of Party Politics." Choosing Sides: The Rise of Politics. Web. 21 July
People to the extreme left or the extreme right of the political spectrum, who consider the Democratic and Republican parties to be equally contemptible;
1. One of the main arguments of the debate was situated against inventive and the ways it presented itself in Hillary Clinton’s campaign. For example the proposition said that Clinton’s background was a good indicator of her future decisions and that inventive is based off of situated. The opposition rebuttal included the argument that situated is only a platform and the way she speaks now and the narrative that is created is more important is current predicament of the race. The also debated on party allegiance and the factors that play into that. The proposition argued that depending on your political party, you bring different situated ethos while the opposition debated that especially in this election, using examples of the split Republican
These two phenomena are interconnected because not only is there a growing polarization between liberals and conservatives, but also within the Republican Party itself. It’s facing a historic divide over the party’s basic principles and identity. The issues raised by grass-roots voters (resistance to immigration, concern about wages, etc.) are deviating from and clashing with the Republican establishment’s interests (openness to immigration, free trade, etc.) (Healy and Martin – article from class).
There is a controversial issue in America, and that issue is on gun control. One side wants to tighten down on the gun control laws. While the other side wants to leave gun control be or loosen it up. These two sides are the democrats and the republicans. In this essay, I will be comparing the many differences between the republican view on gun control and the democrat view on gun control.
After all, it is not as if right-wing extremism disappeared after September 11. The history of right-wing extremism from 1995 to the present day has been one of a steady stream of plots, conspiracies, terrorist acts, and hate crimes. The recent history of extremist violence in the United States has in most respects been dominated by right-wing extremists.
There is a commonly held belief among the political savvy that the ideologies of the major parties seemed to have flip throughout the mid 20th century, more specifically between 1932 and 1968. These shifts are attributed to mainly to the New Deal Democrats, as well as the demise of the solid south of the Democratic party. It is entirely correct that geographically, the parties have done a 180 degree flip since they were established as the prominent parties in the early 1800’s. However, John Gerring makes the argument in, “Party Ideologies 1828-1996”, that the ideologies of the two major parties have been consistent over that period of time. Furthermore, the perceived shifts in these ideologies are due to the changing political climate in
At a basic level, since the 1970s, Republican and Democrat voters have taken a progressively adverse view of the other party’s members. To further measure polarization, the author defines three types of polarization: partisan polarization, opinion radicalization, and issue alignment. Partisan polarization is the sorting of people into the two major parties in the US, which now has all liberals and all conservatives in separate parties. This is unlike the southern Democrats and liberal Republicans in the past. Opinion radicalization is the process in which people gravitate away from the political center to more extreme positions. The author states that this effect
“A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre of Communism.” This is the opening line of Karl Marx’s famous Communist Manifesto and in 1848, when it was written, Communism was haunting Europe, though not nearly so much as it would nearly a century and a half later, at the height of the Cold War. Under the looming threat of nuclear holocaust, the bitter conflict between the west and the communist world seemed intractable, omnipresent and all consuming. Fear of communism reached hysterical levels with McCarthyism in the United States; similar movements throughout the west leeched off of the paranoia and despair of a world seemingly condemned to interminable war. With the fall of the Berlin Wall, the end of the Soviet Union, the triumph of the market economy and the official end of the Cold War, the fear of Communism has dropped from our collective psyche. In its place, however, has emerged a new spectre for the twenty-first century- the spectre of Islam. Within this position paper I will be proving how the political rhetoric from the most recent U.S presidential election plays a role in fuelling the occurrences of Islamophobic hate crimes around the world. Political rhetoric during elections serves as a way for a candidate to attempt to sway voters opinions and get
With Donald Trump’s election into the White House, the rightwing of American politics gained power like they’ve never had before. As their power progresses, it is incredibly important that both Democrats and Moderate Republicans devise a strategy to hinder the spread of these ideas and limit their power. The most important ways in which these individuals should resist the growing influence of these rightwing groups include: focusing less on social issues and more on economic policy, calling out rightwing anti-race rhetoric and dog-whistle politics, and by staying away from becoming an extremist group themselves. It is only through these methods that we can oppose rightwing politics and take the power away from the groups that currently have
‘To what extent did support for the Nazi party change between the years of 1923-33?’
As a liberal who is magnificently passionate about socio-political issues, and also as a refugee and a person of color who could easily be targeted by the bigotry of controversial speakers, I certainly appreciate the liberal bubble that I am in. However, I cannot help but wonder if hiding in this comfortable bubble is a productive measure to take if my end goal is to help improve these controversies and serve disadvantaged communities. The truth of the matter is that outside of our small, liberal community, there are people who do not share the same viewpoints as us. Sooner or later, we will all have to confront people with such viewpoints. Therefore, what matters the most is for us to learn about them, understand them, and learn how to respond to them in a constructive and productive manner. It is only through doing so that we
The purpose of this book is to educate people on how extremism is obstructing the government from operating smoothly. The core thesis is that when the parties do not agree and negotiations cannot be made due to the uncompromising Republicans, the
believes that the news is more in favor of liberal’s biases. The news is characterized more neutral in political stances and letting the audience left to drawn their won conclusion bases on the reporting being presented. With biasness people could agree with a certain party or may have an opposite outlook.