Here I argue in favour of the Australian government prioritising the improvement of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health, even if substantial resources are required to do this. This is because:
1. The health inequality between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, and Non-Indigenous Australians is evident, (Empirical)
2. This health inequality is unfair, (Normative)
3. A national government should be an enabler of equality of opportunity, (Normative)
4. A national government should prioritise resources to the most important inequalities. (Normative)
a) Substantial resource allocation is acceptable in this case, (Normative) and 5. The health inequality between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, and Non-Indigenous
…show more content…
The bioethicists Madison Powers and Ruth Faden use their model of the six dimensions of well-being to defend this argument (21). They suggest that a sufficient level of health, attachment, respect, self-determination, reasoning and personal security, each equally important and non-exchangeable, is the goal of a just society. Following from this, they state that the deepest of inequalities result from multiple interconnected social determinants which weaken multiple dimensions of well-being. These, they argue, are the most important inequalities to address as they are systematic and the furthest from achieving a just society’s goals. I agree with this reasoning and only add that these most profound of inequalities can, as explained earlier, perpetuate cycles of disadvantage. Social determinants, such as limited education and income, can foster or exacerbate poor health and well-being which can then further limit opportunities for education and employment. Consequently, the earlier we interrupt this cycle, the easier it is to …show more content…
This utilitarian argument stems from the idea that only outcomes, and thus the aggregated health of a population matter; the methods to achieve these outcomes are irrelevant. Consequently, a government with finite resources must allocate resources to maximise utility so that the best health outcomes are achieved by the highest number of people. However, I refute this argument on the basis that the methods and the individuals affected are, indeed, morally relevant. Considering the direct link from health to mortality, a perfect utilitarian society would lead to the most disadvantaged populations being selected out. In the context of this thesis, this may constitute ethnic extinction of Indigenous Australians; a result that would be morally horrific and not endorsed by the majority of the Australian
As a people, our rate of chronic disease is still 2.5 times higher than that of other Australians, and Indigenous people in this country die 15 to 20 years younger than those in mainstream Australia. More than half of
The Assimilation policy (1961) has impacted on Indigenous Australians within their physical and mental state and identity present in today’s society. Australia is commonly considered to be free and fair in their culturally diverse societies, but when the Indigenous population is closer looked into, it is clear that from a social and economical view their health needs are disadvantaged compared to non-Indigenous equals. In relation to this, the present Indigenous health is being impacted by disadvantages of education, employment, income and health status. Even urban Indigenous residents are being affected just as much as those residing in remote and rural areas of Australia.
How we define health differs to how Indigenous Australians define health. The World Health Organisation defines health as “not only the absence of infirmity and disease but also a state of physical, mental and social well-being” (WHO, 1946) However, the National Aboriginal Health Strategy Working Party (1989)
As health professionals, we must look beyond individual attributes of Indigenous Australians to gain a greater understanding and a possible explanation of why there are such high rates of ill health issues such as alcoholism, depression, abuse, shorter life expectancy and higher prevalence of diseases including diabetes, heart disease and obesity in our indigenous population. Looking at just the individual aspects and the biomedical health model, we don’t get the context of Aboriginal health. This is why we need to explore in further detail what events could have created such inequities in Aboriginal health. Other details that we should consider are the historical and cultural factors such as, ‘terra nullius’, dispossession and social
Inequality in health is one of the most controversial topics within Australian Health Care. Inequality in relation to health is defined as being “differences in health status or in the distribution of health determinants between different population groups” (World Health Organization, 2012). Within Australia inequality affects a wide range of population groups; however Indigenous Australians are most widely affected therefore this paper will focus on how inequality has impacted their health. Research shows that Australia’s Indigenous people suffer from a multitude of social and economic inequalities such as inadequate access to nutritious food and health care, being socially and
“The status of Indigenous health in contemporary Australia is a result of historic factors as well as contemporary socio-economic issues” (Hampton & Toombs, 2013, p. 1).
C. (2009). Is ‘Close the Gap useful approach to improving the health and wellbeing of Indigenous Australians?. Australian Review of Public Affairs, 9(2), 1-13.
This paper will examine the healthcare of Indigenous Australian peoples compared to non-indigenous Australians. The life expectancy gaps between the two are a cause for alarm when statistics show Indigenous Australian peoples die on average 17 years earlier than non-indigenous Australians (Dick 2017). This paper will examine the social determinants of health to explore these factors and what interventions are in place to improve health status and life expectancy gaps for equality. The Federal Government has seen the implementation of the Northern Territory Intervention and the Closing the Gap Initiative. This essay will examine these two strategies and discuss the effectiveness of both policies. It will explain the differences, similarities and look at the success so far to
As health professionals, we must look beyond individual attributes of Indigenous Australians to gain a greater understanding and a possible explanation of why there are such high rates of ill health issues such as alcoholism, depression, abuse, shorter life expectancy and higher prevalence of diseases including diabetes, heart disease and obesity in our indigenous population. Looking at just the individual aspects and the biomedical health model, we don’t get the context of Aboriginal health. This is why we need to explore in further detail what events could have created such inequities in Aboriginal health. Other details that we should consider are the historical and cultural factors such as, ‘terra nullius’, dispossession and social
“Structural inequities produces suffering and death as often as direct violence does, though the damage is slower, more subtle, more common and more difficult to repair” (Indigenous politics, 2005). The overt difference in health between aboriginal and non-aboriginal
The inequalities in today’s indigenous communities are still strongly evident. Heard, Khoo & Birrell (2009), argued that while there has been an attempt in narrowing the gap between Indigenous and non Indigenous Australians, a barrier still exists in appropriate health care reaching indigenous people. The Indigenous people believe, health is more than the individual, it is
The World Health Organization (WHO) states that social determinates of health are the conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age. These are shaped by a number of factors such as; money, power, and resources. The social determinants of health are mostly responsible for the inequalities in health status (WHO, 2017). Moreover, an indigenous viewpoint can add some specific considerations of social determinants for the first Australians which include; social class; poverty; education; training; housing; history of health; the justice system and incarceration; employment; marginalisation and racism; powerlessness; income; family separation; land and reconciliation; and control over their own health. Furthermore, due to the implications
The permanent impact of colonisation still has an indisputable connection with the current health status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (ATSI) people. Poverty and powerlessness are social disadvantages amongst ATSI people which are related to dispossession, reflected through measures of education, employment, income and incarceration. Before 1788, indigenous Australians did not suffer from diseases such as cardiovascular disease, smallpox, measles or influenza. All of this changed with the arrival of the First Fleet, this epidemic affected the fabric of ATSI societies through depopulation and social disruption. These issues continuously impact the health outcomes and prospects for ATSI
This strategy presented the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people a sense of independence to manage their own wellbeing (Eckermann et. al., 2010). Contradictory to this era’s description, Forsyth (2007) stated that this policy was not fully employed. This is complemented by Sherwood (2013) stating the impression that self-determination does not really concern the liberty of the Indigenous community. Access to health services were generally prejudiced and unjust (Best & Fredericks, 2014). To this period, the problems of Indigenous Australians on health, education, and employment were not resolved.
This is evident in other areas like health and social services. Aboriginal health in Australia for example is consisted shocking and at the level of a Third World nation in a First World country (Siewert: 2006). Government policies have always been discriminatory whether rightfully or wrongfully, it has widened the gap between Aborigines and other Australian (Hughes 2007:181). The Aboriginal life expectancy is 21 years less for men and 19 years less for women compared to non-Aborigines (Henry et al 2004:517). Suicide rates among Aborigines were unknown