Possible Liberalization of Maritime Transport Services through GATS Table of Contents 1. Introduction.……………………………………………………………………………….3 2. Development of Negotiation Rounds………………………………………………………. 2.1. Uruguay Round and NGMTS……………………………………………………………4 2.2. Doha Round……………………………………………………………………………...5 3. The three pillars of the Maritime Schedule………………………………………………...6 4. Benefits of Liberalization of Maritime Trade………………………………………………. 4.1. Possible Profits of Liberalization of the three pillars under GATS…………………….....7 4.2. Liberalization of cabotage by means of the US example…………………………………8 5. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………..9 6. Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………….10 1. Introduction …show more content…
[6] 2.2. The Doha Round There are a few reasons for the potential failure of the maritime negotiations under the Doha round. First of all there is the problem of the limited number of members that submitted offers or commitments on maritime services. Referring to Zhang only 64 WTO members out of 148 members which include the by then 25 EU member states were covered by the 40 maritime offers / commitments. Hereby it is analysed that there are three different kinds of categories which have not given any offer on MTS. The first one are nations which are willing to make offers but would rather wait until the major maritime players like the US have shown their effort to make an offer. The second group are members which fail to meet to have the professional knowledge and the technical know how to deal with the possibilities of offers. The last one is composed of players in the maritime industry which are not willing to open their maritime industry at all or on a multilateral basis as they fear that this action might end up in increased international competition and therefore they rather stick to their internal policies than taking the risk to loose their power in the market place. One significant example for the last category are the US which are unwilling to include MTS in their schedule. Another issue is the one of the different
Identify the problem: 860 AMXS squadron has 10-15 members failing to attend the training appointments in a monthly. Resulting to administrative discipline actions per member and the slotted seat to waste since it is a no-show and standby members will not take advantage.
The freedom of the seas doctrine was created in the 17th century as a means to control rights over ocean space. The doctrine assigned national rights to areas controlled by limited belts, with the remaining being assigned as a public space, free to all nations. By the mid-20th century, technology became more advanced and the ocean’s resources became vulnerable to the innovations. Rising conflicts occurred over ocean reserves, from decreasing fish stocks to pollution left by long-distance boats and oil tankers. Tension was rising from Navies of powerful nations, and were now competing for control over these resources. There was a clear demand for power and presence over marine resources. Oceans were becoming a new area of conflict, and the freedom of the seas doctrine was too outdated to keep up with these new troubles.
First and foremost, the United States depends on international trade and shipping services to maintain a healthy economy. The United States is the world’s largest trading nation. The U.S. finds international markets increasingly important to its industries, so important that the importance for the U.S. economy has increased dramatically in the past two decades. “To make sure they maintain influence in the industry, policies were put in place to promote U.S. participation in world trade, to assure fair access to cargoes, to assure efficient shipping services, and to provide just consideration of U.S. interests in international bodies (7).” America went to the extent of adding a federal role into the market because the industry is so vital to them. “The Federal Government role is to make sure the maritime industry provides national security and the overall
In Maritime Archaeology and Ancient Trade in the Mediterranean, Andrew Wilson argues that ancient maritime trade peaked in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. First, he identifies Parker’s graph of known shipwrecks as inaccurate evidence on the trade intensity of the ancient maritime world. Next, Wilson details several technologies, specifically the bilge pump, and hydraulic cement, that enabled the expansion of trade during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Finally, Wilson concludes that it was Roman standardization of currency and language, not new technologies, that allowed trade to increase in the ancient world. When the Roman empire deteriorated, trade decreased, leading to the loss of harbors and shipping technologies.
The EU, on the other hand, claims that their Seal Regime meets obligations of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Three conditions applied to seal products are as follows: the products were received from seals hunted by Inuit or Indigenous communities, the products were received from seals hunted for marine resource management, and travelers are allowed to bring seal products in limitation. The EU claims that the regulations put into place in 2009 and 2010 were implemented because of public moral concerns involving the welfare of seals; people should not cause suffering of animals without clear justification (Europa, 2013). The EU argue that inconsistencies claimed by Canada and Norway within the GATT 1994 should be considered as justified because they are working to protect public morals and seals’ health. They also argue that, under the TBT Agreement, any
The China case was more long and complex than most accession case due to number of reasons: firstly, the country is the largest trading nation in the world and second largest sources of the United States (U.S.) deficit, so it lured a lot attention among all current applicants for joining the WTO. The accession of China will have a significant impact on these there: the restructuring of China 's domestic economic, the WTO, and the international trading environment. In addition, the accession points out many distresses for many scholars ' and policy-makers regarding the advantages, disadvantages and future of the WTO with or without China. More importantly, the entry of China into the WTO directly affects accession of another applicant, Taiwan, which has existing unsettled disputes between both countries.
Beyond those disadvantages there is the hurdle that different countries have different standards and capabilities. An international partner may have less rigorous
The official start of business the World Trade Organization on January 1, 1995., Which is the result of many years of the Uruguay Round[1], it has become for many evidence of effective multilateral policy influence negotiations on liberalization of world trade flows. WTO, becoming the institutional platform for cooperation between Member on the plane conducted trade negotiations would intensify the implementation and functioning of the multilateral agreements and regulations.
The EU is widely regarded as a trade power in the current international arena. The trade policy has been a core component of the EU’s growth strategies to enhance international competitiveness by internal development, resulted from the widened and deepened regional integration (Young, 2011: 719). Assimilating neo-liberalist idea to the trade policy has promoted liberalising goods and service trades and contributed to enhancement of competitiveness in the global markets; the EU achieved the largest market in the world in 2005 (Dee and Mortensen, 2014: 3; Young, 2011: 721). Moreover, in international trade, GATT/WTO has promoted multilateral negotiations. Until Uruguay Round, the main discussion was tariff reduction in industrial goods; however, once Uruguay Round approached wider range of issues, legislation of multilateral trade rules has been more important for the WTO members and other actors (Young, 2011: 716). Under this condition, the EU has promoted its competitiveness in the global market with internal development resulted from its territorial enlargement and the institutional system reforms; the EU has adjusted the trade policy against external actors in response to a changing world (ibid: 719). This paper examines how the EU’s external trade policy has changed.
Moreover, as already mentioned, despite the fact that DDA is stagnant and the EU and Japan have built up bilateral FTAs/EPAs, their core priorities of trade policy remain multilateral negotiations by supporting WTO. In fact, the EU and Japan can play vital roles as hubs in the Atlantic and the Pacific respectively; concerning mega-FTAs, while the EU prioritises to TTIP and Japan does to TPP, the EU-Japan FTA/EPA might be a crucial tool for global rules or standards. It is expected as a bridge between two large economic areas in the world, apropos leading trade and investment rules and standards, which would be complement for DDA (Iwaki, 2007: 28; Tanaka, 2015: 100). The EU-Japan is considered as ‘positive integration’ between West and East; thence, highly economic relationship between the EU and Japan conceivably develop economies of size and geo-economic and geopolitical advantages in the world as well as between the EU and Japan. (Kleimann, 2015; Sönderberg, 2012: 250).
The Doha Round of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) has sparked controversy, anger and even suicide from its commencement. This paper seeks to explore what is this Doha Round that has ignited such passionate displays from delegates and the common man alike, what are the issues at stake given the Round’s success or failure and finally, given the events that have marred its history to date and based on the many other factors in play, could the Doha Round come to a successful conclusion?
There are a number of challenges that have limited MEAs from being implemented in the United States.
The credibility of multilateral trading system seem to be asked if WTO failed to provide a comprehensive negotiations to deal with across issues and sector (Schott, 2000). The effort
This research will show how other members of the WTO have expressly put their national interests in their schedules
In our analysis of Western Harbour Crossing (“WHC”) we have aimed to address two questions: 1. 2. How much should GW pay for the assets? What is the likelihood of the transaction going through?