During an economics lectures the professor said to my class “ I do not know whether the increasing income inequality is an issue or not”. I was perplexed. I thought the goal of Economics, as a social science, was to achieve the maximum welfare of people by using all the resources most efficiently. So how is income inequality that renders many people worse off, not an issue? I knew he did not state his opinion to avoid introducing his bias. However, if everyone in the world were to keep their understanding of justice and inequality to themselves without a meaningful dialogue, no societal issue would gain attention or action. Realizing that I want to be equipped with tools necessary to take appropriate measures when welfare of individuals is …show more content…
They showed me that scientific methods involving quantitative and qualitative work could result in working solutions to some of the most complex and pressing problems of our time. Chandra Talpade Mohanty’s writings like Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses (1984) provided me a theoretical understanding of my experiences as a transnational feminist and find my voice in discussions of global relevance. My mentors at Iowa State University further encouraged my interest in policy formulation by exposing me to a host of socio-economic issues and conflicts through their teachings. It is during the last three years of my undergraduate college career that I became confident about my decision to pursue Public Policy.
On the recommendation of Dr. Teshome, a professor of Women’s Studies and Anthropology, I opted to take a graduate level Anthropology course called Global Development. For this course, I read various development theories in the context of social, political and economic disparities in the world. We discussed the ramifications of certain development policies implemented in the global south. These theoretical texts along with real case studies captured my interest in policy formulation and the role of gender in development. I presented my final project on feminist critiques of some conventional
“The 0.1 percent in the U.S. today account for more than eight percent of the national income” (Freeland). Economic inequality is also known as income inequality, and it has always been a problem. The gap between the rich and the poor is growing wider and wider because wealth grows faster than the economy according to Thomas Piketty, and people are not able to move up through economic classes according to Paul Krugman. Economic inequality is a problem that can be overcome with raise the minimum wage, expand welfare benefits, and provide higher education.
To support the dichotomy perpetuated by Tripp in her comparative analysis of Difference and Equality feminism, Tripp alludes to case studies and political events that were integral to feminist movements within particular countries. Tripp uses examples of peace negotiations in several African countries and the Ellen Johnson Sirleaf campaign in Liberia, to articulate the merits of political motherhood, a concept ingrained within Difference feminism. Moreover, Tripp uses a sociocultural analysis of Bolivia and various African countries to prove the existence of complementarity of gendered spheres of influence and gender roles within Difference feminism. Conversely, Tripp uses examples of the US Declaration of Independence to illustrate the political climate of the US that necessitated Equality feminism over Difference feminism.
Global Women is an eye-opening book that describes the reality of what women in the developing world do to survive the brutal capitalistic world. When I first started reading this book, I assumed it to be filled with theoretical and statistics-filled information like many other books I have read. However, it was not only informational but also very provoking and surprisingly first-hand. It definitely help the readers to be engaged into the issues and to understand the global patterns of relationships among women struggling to survive in the domestic service sector and in the sex trade.
CEO of an international humanitarian organization, Helene Gayle, in her argument opinion article “Give women credit for family work” (2015 CNN), proves that helping women in developing countries will improve their and their families’ lives. She supports her claim by using stories from third world countries, resolutions on how to fix problems, and her ethos from her work experience. Gayle’s purpose is to create a new meaning for the work of women and raise awareness of the problems abroad in order to improve gender inequality and poverty in developing countries. She creates a hopeful and helpful tone towards fixing the problems for others wanting to
As a health care professional what inspired me to take a course in Global Issues for Women: Gender, Race and Global Health centers on my interest in patriarchal societies, the structural violence of global neoliberal economic policies that cause gender disparities for woman all over the world, particularly in India and middle eastern countries’ and the cost they have on the lives of women impacted by such polices as they are exposed to to risk, death, suicide, differential access to healthcare, social rights, commodification of their bodies bodies, reproductive health issues and loss of control over their lives. I am also taking this class to gain a better understanding of the “Gendered Violence of Structural Adjustment” as well as learn strategies’ to assist and help women who
Regarding the topics discussed in the introductory public policy course, Lindblom expans upon questions revolving around how “good” policy is measured. Bickers and Williams, co-authors of Introduction to Public Policy, discuss several ways in which the “good” policy question can be assessed. For instance, administrators can use the theories of Harold Lasswell which propose a democratic process to policy decision making whereby all parties are represented and outcomes are distributed among all contending groups. Administrators could follow Pareto’s policy suggestion that states that a policy can be considered “good” if no person is worse off and at least one person is better off. Lastly, the Kaldor-Hicks criterion, in essence, assumes a Pareto-superior approach to policy
Women, whether in the western world or third world countries, are socialised in patriarchal societies where misogyny is often internalised. As a result women often make choices, which reflect their subordinate status to keep to the norm and stabilise themselves economically and socially. Women in countries in sub- Saharan Africa, South and East Asian areas, though in differing contexts face similar struggles of subservience and manipulation. Women accommodate, resist or adapt to the sexist oppressive system. Those who choose to bargain with the social constructs aim to enhance their situation, giving them more power and to some extent freedom from ideological societies that subjugate them.
In Africa a majority of women still lack the ability to exercise their rights. This is relevant for both economic, social, and cultural rights, as well as civil and political rights. The issue with the combination of the two is that when a woman’s ESC rights are infringed upon, it directly, negatively impacts their ability to exercise their civil rights. The inability to utilize civil political rights makes it difficult for women to take place in policy change and political decision making (Ssenyonjo 42). In order for women to have a seat at the table when it comes to long term change, it is necessary that they have the necessary economic, social, and cultural rights. Despite treaties that attempt to grant these rights, very little concrete progress has actually been made. Many blame this lack of change on culture, which is defined by Manisuli Ssenyonjo as “inherited ideas, beliefs, values, and knowledge, which constitute the shares bases of social action” (50). Culture is also seen as the interpretation of colonial rule by a long standing patriarchal society and leadership, that has been in place for centuries (Tamale 51). However, despite those who see culture as an obstacle to introducing human rights to a community, it is imperative that the culture of the nation in question must be considered, not only when implementing the new law, but when they are being written by international groups as well. Otherwise there is no hope of the human rights actually being inserted
The essay will conclude that this article is useful in thinking about how myths (and language) need to be addressed in order to achieve the important goal of shifting power dynamics, both within the real world and the development sector itself, to bring about real change for women and girls globally.
Because of the way gender operates in society and culture, the majority of those most affected by the connected systems of globalization and neoliberalism in nations like Indonesia and Vietnam are women. This is something various scholars, including Hawkesworth, might refer to as the “feminization of globalization” which is tied to some other systemic gendered processes. According to Hawkesworth, not do women make up 70 percent of the poor globally, but the poor are actually constructed as a feminized category, in how they are regarded as “dependent, subrational, and in need of direction” (23). This “feminization of poverty” (Hawkesworth, 23) means that the large group of people in the world who are both poor and women key targets for the neoliberal strategies of economic influence highlighted above. Moreover, many women are tied to dependents through culturally and socially constructed attitudes about gender that essentialize women’s ties to motherhood.
In recent decades, the process of development in the Third World has largely deprived women and marginalized them of their control of resources and authority. However, the burdens of their traditional duties are still heavy. Women not only take care of the whole family within households, but also play an essential role in community management and security. While the important role is widely recognized by worldwide, that is not necessary meant that the issue of gender has been satisfactorily involved into planning practices. Historically, planning problems of women were considered as problems of social welfare, rather than of development. However, the social welfare
Gender inequality is the concept that men and women are not equal. Stephan Klasen (1999), asserts that gender inequality has been an important factor in contributing to poor growth performance in developing countries in South Asia. Gender gaps exist that favour males in education, personal autonomy and employment that positively affect their lives over females. On March 8 2003, International Women’s Day the former Secretary-General of the United Nation Kofi Annan stated that in order to achieve development that countries must invest in women (World, 2012). Further he concluded by stating that when “women thrive, all of society benefits, and succeeding generation are given a better start in life” (World, 2012). Discrimination of women in India is dealt through initiatives and programmes that aim at bettering women’s lives through economic and political inclusion. These initiatives however only relieve surface level issues and do not addresses the root issues of gender inequality. This paper examines the role of gender inequality in development, inequalities encountered by women in India is used as a base for analysis. Women’s inequalities in India is characterized by a lack of employment opportunities, education, political and personal autonomy. These inequalities will be examined to reveal how they are linked to indicators of development emphasizing joint importance’s.
A 1992 UN report discovered “the number of rural women living in poverty in the developing countries has increased by almost 50% over the past 20 years to an awesome 565 million.” (IPeterson)This quote exemplifies the deterioration of rural women 's identity that is imposed due to impact of colonial powers. However, it’s ironic how these countries are “developing” but still undergo a mass incline in the poverty rate amongst women, leads to question what their development plans to digress. With the establishment of agreements of international free trade policies, corporations used this motive as a way to generate profit from cheap labor in underdeveloped countries.
In 1997, the United Nations Economic and Social council brought to light the issue of gender perspectives in policies and programmes. The idea behind this would be to take into account how legislation and programmes will impact women in the states mentioned. Member states unanimously agreed in Beijing 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women that, “It was essential to design, implement and monitor, with the full participation of women, effective, efficient and mutually reinforcing gender-sensitive policies and programmes, including development policies and programmes at all levels. ” This does not, however, mean that all member states agreed that the advancement and empowerment of women is an issue of importance.
In assessing the contribution of CEDAW to the development, promotion and protection of women’s human rights, the focus will be on a few countries that have made significant progress economic and social rights of women, as well as a few that requires stronger laws and practices in order to ensure gender equality, both de jure and de facto. The rights associated with gender equality encompass various issues but some of the African countries managed to address them through legislative change, civil advocacy, cooperation and partnership with development organizations. The special measures such as quotas in government and education, primary education for girls and gaps in their post-primary education, equal rights in marriage, women 's access to family planning and reproductive health clinics, women 's access to legal aid and justice, equal pay and employment.