Review of Army of Shadows Essay

Within the span of a few years, the political, social, and cultural climate in Palestine was whiplashed from being under the control of the Ottoman Empire, to colonization and state building by Jewish immigrants from the diaspora, to British rule through mandate, and finally the establishment of the Israeli state. The rhetoric that was used in both Zionist and Arab Palestinian propaganda created a situation that was very complex under the surface, and needs to be approached with delicate care. Taking this into consideration, as historians it is important to remain as objective as possible when reading documents from both the Jewish and Arab side because they both will show a view of the conflict that will benefit them most. As situations change, so will these views and the tone of newspapers and consumerism will change along with it.

Chaim Potok’s use of silence helps to exemplify the utter sorrow and angst of the Anti-Zionist Hasidic League (led by Reb Saunders) when the bloody fighting is occurring in Palestine. The League, which was previously contesting Zionism and the development of Israel without the coming of the Messiah via papers, flyers, and rallies, grew oddly silent with the

Any reference to conflict turns history into a reservoir of blame. In the presence of conflict, narratives differ and multiply to delegitimize the opponent and to justify one’s own action. Narratives shape social knowledge. The Israeli Palestinian conflict, both Jews and Muslims, view the importance of holding the territories through religious, ideological, and security lenses, based on belief that Palestine was given by divine providence and that the land belongs to either the Israelis or Palestinian’s ancestral home. Understanding these perspectives is required for understanding Palestinians’ and especially Israel’s strategy and role in entering the Oslo peace process. Despite

Chapter three of Eyal Press’ Beautiful Souls follows Avner Wishnitzer, an Israeli combat soldier serving in the occupied territories during the Second Intifada. In the 6-Day War of 1967, Israel captured the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and has since kept the land under an Israeli military occupation. In 1987 to 1991, a Palestinian uprising involving resistance and civil disobedience, known as the First Intifada, occurred in the occupied territories. Consequently, Israel deployed many soldiers into the occupied territories, and an estimated 1,674 people were killed in total. The Second Intifada, a much more violent Palestinian uprising in the occupied territories, transpired from 2000 until 2005. In response, Israel enacted Operation Defensive Shield, a large-scale military operation, in 2002 to stop the terrorist attacks and suicide bombings of the Second Intifada. An approximate 4,426 people were killed in the Second Intifada. Avner Wishnitzer’s public refusal to serve in the occupied territories was worth getting kicked out of Sayeret Matkal and being disgraced by Israeli society because it made people question the occupation and the treatment towards Palestinians. Even if Avner had been my father, I would have condoned his choices because I could create my own reputation in the military. Additionally, the current controversy over the Israeli occupation legitimizes his stance and actions for many Israeli citizens.

In addition, I will examine the current state of political and human rights in Israeli occupied West Bank and analyze how they are approaching a level of apartheid. Finally, I will summarize the effects of these social tensions between Israel and Palestinians in the terms of how potential open conflict could reignite.

However, attempting to understand my identity in postmodern Palestine, I felt the disconnect between the Palestinian’s

In the past decade it has become more common in the media, college campuses, and among public intellectuals argue for the sake of “Anti-Zionism,” and state that Israel is an “illegitimate” state (Harrison, p. 9). Those who are looking to start a “New” anti-Semitism often have this opinion. Harrison states the rebuttals that have follows these claims. One of the rebuttals is that, “anti-Zionism, by its nature cannot be anti-Semitic, since it consists in opposition to Zionism, not in opposition to Jews or to Judaism per se” (Harrison, p. 9). This rebuttal goes against the opinion of other authors who state anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism interchangeable. Another rebuttal is that “if there has been a resurgence in anti-Semitism in the West, and in the Islamic world, it is entirely occasioned by justifiable indignation at the conduct and policies of Israel” (Harrison, p. 9). Harrison states that “anti-Zionists” wish to be regarded as “anti-racists,” as if Zionism is a form of racism. Harrison continues to state that Zionism is not a form of racism, but a form of nationalism. Harrison’s idea that Zionism is a form of nationalism coinsides with C.R. Power and Sharon Power’s

The war for the independence of Israel was not a war as much as it was a hostile takeover of Palestine by any means necessary. Two infamous Jewish forces, the Irgun and the Haganah, often used terror tactics to achieve their goals and both focusing their energies on reprisals against Arabs and the British. Their tactics killed hundreds of innocent civilians in the name of a Jewish state and the Haganah even attacked their own people, framing the Palestinians, in order to generate support and sympathy for the their cause, but these acts appealed to some who “believed that any action taken in the cause of the creation of a Jewish state was justified.” There were unquestionably consequences to these actions as well as violent reactions to a Jewish state from other Middle Eastern states. When Israel finally declared independence, “the armies of Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Transjordan, and Iraq invaded Israel” and began the first war between the Arabs and now Israelis. Although the Arab Legion lost the war against Israel, in part to the support Israel received from the United States, it set a precedent for Arab-Israeli relations which have been tense every since and there still has yet to be reconciliation between the Israelis and Palestinians, who continue to be oppressed and persecuted.

The Holocaust saw the systematic murder of six million Jews through a Nazi attempt to exterminate the entire Jewish population from the European continent. With a strong sense of something needing to be done to atone for the Holocaust and thus compensate the remnants of the European Jewish population, pressure mounted on the British and the Americans to grant them a sovereign Jewish state in the Middle East, hence conceding to an idea that had been set in motion long before the war. It is therefore through a consideration of the effects of the Holocaust on the Jewish communities, British and American policy towards the region, as well as the Palestinian Arabs, that its role in the establishment of Israel can become clear.

In this novel, Anna Baltzer documents her experiences in Palestine and her personal eyewitness accounts of the Palestine-Israel conflict. She describes heartbreaking events that she witnessed, such as the kidnapping of a farmer. Baltzer also describes how Israeli soldiers consider illegal matters legal when a Jew does it since they must “protect” themselves from harmful, innocent Palestinians. Although this novel is biased, it is useful since most of it is a primary source. It includes pictures, maps, a brief history and in-depth explanations of the complicated conflict.

Throughout Edward W. Said’s essay, “States”, he discusses the past of the Palestinians and expresses the struggles that arose and still occur. Palestinian nationalism was once an independent force in the Middle East. Yet, when the Palestinian’s homeland came to an end, destruction and dispossession began. Various wars emerged leaving the Palestinians to suffer. During this time period of violence, Palestine was being destroyed. In the process, Israel began to take over. Said tries to get readers to see what people don’t see about the hardships that came with being Palestinian. He writes about the destruction of their culture, land, value, homes, and their way of living due to violence.

The investigation assesses demographic shifts to Palestine in the context of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. It more specifically inquires about the impact of Jewish immigration on Palestine in terms of the effects it had on Jewish-Arab relationships in Palestine. It seeks to determine the extent the third, fourth, and fifth aliyahs of 1919-1939 had on the economic development of the Israeli State and its social implications. Monographs and general texts will be used to provide background on the conflict, including the rise of Zionism, the British Mandate, the White Paper, and the Peel Commission. This context will also be used to critically analyze the role of Jewish immigration to Palestine and the role it played in land reforms, rioting, and the implementation of restrictions set by the British government on Palestine. Two secondary sources, William L. Cleveland’s A History of the Modern Middle East and Howard M. Sachar’s A History of

To a Palestinian that has been displaced from his/her long time homeland, completely displaced by a foreign power. The tone of victimization is easily created. But to an Israeli, that has found security from, long term discrimination, in Israel’s own borders, it is easy for an Israeli perspective to claim the Jewish people had a legitimate claim to the land. Accounts from the Palestinian narrative will often, as Sylvain Ehrenfeld a writer for Ethical Culture, writes “[F]ocus on victimhood, their suffering and dispossession and their deep sense of injustice at being punished because of Europe’s treatment of Jews.”. Moreover, he goes on to elaborate that the Israeli have also created a tone of an unfailing connection to its land, and argues legitimacy for claim to the land that was found in former Palestine, present day Israel. He goes on to mention that both sides are guilty of creating their perspectives so single-mindedly. Both sides will often misrepresent the reality of the situation to gain the support of historians. This distortion of reality will in often cases skew accuracy, therefore creating a limitation to the recording of history.

Frequently, issues such as human rights violations occur around the world that people are not aware of. It is therefore a great importance to seek knowledge ourselves beyond mass media outlets and our own governments. Previous research suggests, the history of the Palestinian conflict goes back generations. In 1918 when World War 1 had ended, the British gained control of the Palestinian territory. The UN had no intention of displacing or changing anything within the land, but they decided that the Jews needed a safe place to reside after the holocaust. Therefore, many Jews immigrated to Palestine after the Balfour Declaration was issued in 1917. It stated that Palestine welcomed Jews into their homeland (Said, 1999). The fall of the Ottoman empire encouraged the number of immigrants to that in 1947, the total number of Jews in the area was “650,000” (Avineri, 1981; Said, 1999). The Palestinians were surely grateful for the number of people immigrating to their land because they needed their

Israel successfully fought off the pan-Arab army while other Israeli combatants terrorized and depopulated the countryside. Ilan Pappe termed the depopulation of Palestinians as “ethnic cleansing” but can this phrase be properly used when discussing the events of 1947-1948? To answer this question one must determine if there is a well-established definition of the phrase ‘ethnic cleansing’ and also establish that this was the intent of the Zionists, both initially and subsequently. This can be determined by examining Zionist policy and action previous to the U.N partition plan and after, which will demonstrate that the term is appropriately applied to the situation by Pappe.