Shedding Light on Gay Culture in New York in George Chauncey’s Gay New York Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World

This paper analyzes the coverage of gay issues in the Laurel Leader Call, a paper in a small city in the generally conservative state of Mississippi between the years of 1960 and 1979, a time that was of crucial importance to the LGBT national movement. The analysis of more than 200 wire stories indicates that the Laurel Leader Call seemed to have included a combination of positive and negative themes throughout the articles almost tending to create an equal balance between informative, educational and emotional scenarios of the gay community between the 1960s and 1970s. For that reason, Laurel Leader Call became a reliable barometer in providing a national image on the issue of homosexuality to the locals of Jones County

Post-World War II, everyday gay life and consciousness transformed. The war stressed the segue from connecting gender inversion with sexual non-conformity to constructing and adhering to the binarism between homosexual and heterosexual identities. The pre-war notion that anyone could capitulate to homosexual temptations was replaced by the omnipresent fear of contracting and developing homosexuality as an indeterminate hybrid of both illness and mental disorder. A homosexual was considered and regarded as a security risk to the sanctity of a functioning society. The diaries of Donald Vining and Martin Duberman, both well-educated gay men working within academia, shed light on the lives and consciousness of gay men in the years following the end of World War II. As they both recount, the post-war years witnessed widespread fear, policing, and marginalization of homosexuals, and this resulted not simply from the construction of homosexuality as an entity separate from gender. Rather, this marginalization stemmed largely from the recognition that homosexuality, in the way that it was expressed by gay men such as Vining and Duberman, defied the constraints that constituted the heterosexual paradigm of relationships.

Vining had a social sphere consisting of predominantly homosexuals due to his metropolitan location. Vining, a gay male living in Manhattan, had a very complex social life that consisted mainly of gay, white men. Vining frequently went to the theater, parties, and dinner with his gay friends, and he would constantly be in contact with at least one of his friends (Vining Diary, p. 9, February 5 1947). World War II placed men in all-male, close quarters and allowed them to sexually explore, so men in the postwar period sought an extension of this freedom to explore. Fortunately, cities in the postwar period afforded men this continuation (Allan Berube, Coming Out Under Fire). Rather than being trapped in a small town with community policing, cities allowed men to be

“[W]orking-classes people in the capital of black America were stunningly open about their homosexuality” as it was “evident in urban blues lyrics of the time,” but it was not accepted in the middle-class and upper-class communities (Russell 103, 105). Some influential, elite/upper- or middle-class people during the Harlem Renaissance, such as Claude McKay, George Chauncey, Alain Locke, and others were “extraordinarily open about homosexuality and about the repressive nature of heterosexual norms” (103). Even James Baldwin was open about his sexuality and “claimed to have felt accepted as a homosexual” in Harlem (108). However, this did not stop the elitists, middle- and upper-class individuals, and the media from having their say. Under government policy, “President Eisenhower banned homosexuals from federal jobs, prospective employees were required to undergo screenings of their sexual histories,

I will be writing about George Chauncey’s Gay New York. In this text, George Chauncey seeks to restore that world to history, to chart its geography, and to recapture its culture and politics by challenging three widespread myths about the history of gay life before the rise of the gay movement. These include the myths of isolation, invisibility and internalization. The homosexual community is considered a subculture to the heterosexual community, which identifies as the dominant culture. George Chauncey wants to know why the dominant heterosexual culture often misinterprets the heterosexual subculture. He also talks about the assumptions the dominant culture carries about sexuality and culture. I believe there are two reasons the dominant culture misinterprets and make assumptions about the homosexual community; these two reasons consist of religious beliefs and social stigma of the dominant culture towards the subculture.

“At the beginning of the twentieth century, a homosexual subculture, uniquely Afro-American in substance, began to take shape in New York’s Harlem. Throughout the so- called Harlem Renaissance period, roughly 1920 to 1935, black lesbians and gay men were meeting each other [on] street corners, socializing in cabarets and rent parties, and worshiping in church on Sundays, creating a language, a social structure, and a complex network of institutions.” Richard Bruce Nugent, who was considered the “perfumed orchid of the New Negro Movement” said, “You did what you wanted to. Nobody was in the closet. There wasn’t any closet.”

In her book Queering the Color Line: Race and the Invention of Homosexuality in American Culture, Siobhan Somerville uses film and literature from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to demonstrate the ways in which early models of homosexuality were often embedded within discussions of race, specifically “the bifurcated constructions of ‘black’ and ‘white’ bodies” (175). Somerville notes that discussions of sexual orientations emerged at the same time Plessy v. Ferguson, the supreme court case that affirmed the government’s right to determine an individual’s racial identity, was settled. She contends that the development of sexual classifications alongside the U.S. governments “aggressive policing of the boundary between ‘black’ and ‘white’ bodies” was more than a coincidence in timing (3). Somerville argues that this new polarization of bodies and focus on sexual desires echoed a similar, simultaneous shift in racial thinking. During this shift, the cultural figure of the mulatto gave way to a new visualization of the races as natural opposites, and increasing numbers of legal and social devices were created to prevent people of different races from engaging in sexual activity with one another. Thus the materialization of new sexual categories paralleled, and was profoundly influenced by, the hardening of the "color line," the division of Americans into racially segregated categories.

Through the 1940s-50s, gay bars were a crucial time for the gay community. Gay bars were not just a place for gays and lesbians to go to but it also was a “safe haven” for them because they were be able to be comfortable in their own skin. Homosexual men had more “freedom” to express themselves in public (such as parks, and bars) than homosexual women. The only places that homosexual women could express themselves were at lesbian bars. Lesbian bars enabled them to form their identity, including black lesbians. According to Elizabeth Kennedy and Madeline Davis, in their article “I Could Hardly Wait to Get Back to that Bar,” they define a lesbian bar as “a place where patrons felt relatively safe,” (33). This quote demonstrates the fact that

Despite the dearth of available literature due to censorship and the passage of time, this period was characterized by flourishing deviant—and provisionally—queer sexuality. The unstable times, cultural changes, and political turmoil all lent themselves to a shift in discussions and understandings of sexuality. The Civil War remains a period of incredible upheaval that profoundly shaped culture and society. This period saw the reshaping of gender and sexuality norms while also instigating the codifying of existing gender-based oppression and violences (Bronsky, 81). While the lexicon of sexuality has changed in the intervening years, the Civil War (and the circumstances it produced) remains a condition of emergence of queer pre-history, as well as a crucial site for interpreting and reclaiming historical

America’s long and convoluted history of sexual politics, with increasing controversy over and notable legislation surrounding promiscuity, homosexuality, and other forms of sexual deviance, has influenced a variety of queer theorists to deconstruct the assumed moral values behind these stances. One such author, Michael Warner, addresses this cultural pattern of sexual subversion in his book, The Trouble with Normal. Warner’s analysis is centered around a concept of moralism, referring to a categorization of situations where “some sexual tastes or practices (or rather an idealized version of them) are mandated for everyone” (4). The dynamics of this principle can be seen in James Baldwin’s short story, “The Outing,” as moralism illuminates Baldwin’s characterization of “normal” behavior and illustrates the self-defeating choices individuals must make in the face of antagonizing societal schemas.

Life for most homosexuals during the first half of the Twentieth century was one of hiding, being ever so careful to not give away their true feelings and predilections. Although the 1920s saw a brief moment of openness in American society, that was quickly destroyed with the progress of the Cold War, and by default, that of McCarthyism. The homosexuals of the 50s “felt the heavy weight of medical prejudice, police harassment and church condemnation … [and] were not able to challenge these authorities.” They were constantly battered, both physically and emotionally, by the society that surrounded them. The very mention or rumor of one’s homosexuality could lead to the loss of their family, their livelihood and, in some cases, their

Chauncey also explained that gain males had more freedoms than lesbians did because the public places they could meet were culturally defined as male spaces. These barriers no longer exist and this would open public spaces to men and women thus increasing the number of people who would opening behave differently in those spaces. The fact that New York in the early 20th

In the 1980’s and 1990’s, society wasn’t the most accepting of places for people who were different from the “social norms”. Now I know, people today still struggle with trying to fit in and be “normal” but it was different. Being a gay man living in San Fransisco at the time, which had a large gay population, Richard Rodriguez had a hard time dealing with the discrimination he faced. Richard Rodriguez was an American journalist who wrote and published a memoir about his life as a gay man. In October of 1990, Rodriguez published his memoir “Late Victorians” in Harper’s Magazine, a critically acclaimed publication of the time. In his memoir, Rodriguez describes what it was like to realize he was gay and watch as the country changed to become a more accepting place. He does this by setting up how things can change and then explaining the actual ways things change for the gay population.

Within modern-day America, there are certain societal standards based on sexual relationships. Within the poem, the narrator, a young woman, questions why she has to “wear the brand of shame; /whilst he amid the gay and proud/still bears an honored name” (Harper 26-28). Within her poem, Harper exposes the hypocrisy of the

The issue of sexuality and human sexual orientation is an increasingly hot topic in the American society today. Although this topic has made an upward spiral in society today, there seems to be little talk about the history of sexuality. The lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer community has been oppressed throughout history, making it difficult for them to feel safe in the public sphere where heterosexuality is the norm. However, pieces by George Chauncey and Ruth Hubbard have discussed ways in which the LGBTQ world was forgotten about in early society, and how it has evolved to be where it is now.