The African Union, the United Nations, the United States, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and other Western powers subsequently spent a great deal of diplomatic efforts to negotiate an end the fighting in South Sudan. In August 2015, Machar and Kiir signed a power-sharing agreement to create a coalition government, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, a East African countries regional organization that promotes trade, cooperation and development, including South Sudan. The establishment of a coalition government did not end the conflict, especially in the relatively calm areas of the conflict in the first two years. The violence around the country's largest city has led to mass displacement in parts of …show more content…
The agreement prompted Machar to return to Juba in April 2016 and the subsequent formation of a transitional government of national unity. However, in July 2016, the Juba and Macel forces fought again in Juba. The second flight from the city by Masal led to the de facto collapse of the transitional government, the escalation of violence that could become genocide and the deterrence of regional security. After Masal's flight from the capital, the military forces of the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) loyal to Kiel killed him and his forces, the opposition forces of the People's Liberation Army, through coordinated operations involving the ground forces and the bombing campaign in the Western Equatoria. Even before the violence in Juba in July 2016, the two major parties to the agreement and other armed actors violated the ceasefire on a daily basis and the decision-making inside "Tohoku University" had been paralyzed. The failure of the agreement and the de facto collapse of TOGNU are foreseeable as it is inevitable. Negotiations to reach an end to the civil war reconciliation usually require at least three conditions to be successful. First, all parties need to believe that a military solution is impossible. Second, agreements negotiated need to provide equitable and sustainable distribution of power, including but not limited to "compromising elites" and the protection of minorities. Third, the terms the parties need to believe in the agreement will
After the civil war in 2011, there have been conflicts between the local armed forces and communities. A significant example was the emergence of the National Transitional Council (NTC) that emerged after a fierce battle in Bani Walid: a former Gaddafi
The Sudan Liberation Movement and the Justice Equality Movement took arms against the Sudanese government, which was later named “The War in Darfur”. Which sparked the anger of the government and sent their military to begin murdering many villages, that were non Arabs. In many accounts reported about 2 million were killed over 2 decades.Scarce resources played a huge role in the mass killings of Sudanese (non arab).
Throughout history, our world has constantly been bruised and battered by civil turmoil. Today, the civil war in Syria decimates the country; the Israeli and Palestinian conflict rages on; tens of thousands of people have been killed in South Sudan's ongoing civil war. It is not always easy to isolate what exactly ignites the flames of war, but, whenever possible, finding a workable, calm and satisfying solution to a potential uprising is preferable.
Canada prevented countless human rights violations committed to civilians because of civil war in South Sudan. South Sudan has several tribes, but the two largest (Dinka and Nuer) have had a long history of conflict. Additionally, the dismissal of the Vice President Riek Machar (Nuer) by the President Salva Kiir (Dinka) has plunged the two tribes into conflict once again (Conflict between Dinka and Nuer 1). Furthermore, the dismissal of Riek Machar led him to become the leader of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and sparked a conflict between the government of South Sudan and Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (South Sudanese Civil War 1). Examples of violations are the Dinkas ethnically cleansing the Nuer people, government troops attacking civilians in towns and sexual violence against women (South Sudanese Civil War 1). As a result, Canada created Operation SOPRANO and refugee camps in South Sudan to prevent further atrocities committed toward civilians (Operation SOPRANO 1). Additionally, Operation SOPRANO consist of Canadian Task Force members and their mandate is to “protect civilians, monitor and investigate human rights violations, create the conditions to provide humanitarian aid and support implementing a cease-hostilities agreement” (Operation SOPRANO 1). Furthermore, Canada supplied the United Nations with 500 million Canadian dollars and 600 peacekeeping troops. In summary, without the aid of Canada a
Military regimes that favor Islamic-situated governments have controlled national politics since Sudan gained freedom from Anglo-Egyptian co-rule in 1956. Sudan was entangled in two post-independence civil war amid the greater part of the rest of the twentieth century. These wars were based on the northern Muslims, Arabs economic, political, and social control of the more largely populated non-Muslim, non-Arab southern Sudanese. The first war ended with the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement, which granted significant regional autonomy to southern Sudan on internal issues. (CIA 2015)
The war in Darfur materialized at the wrong time for the United States, Norway, and Britain, two of which are permanent members of the U.N. Security Council. At the time, they were focused on ensuring the success of the Naivasha negotiations in Sudan. The Naivasha agreement, also known as the Comprehensive Peace Agreement was an permanent ceasefire agreement between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/ Sudan People’s Liberation Army to end the Second Sudanese Civil War. This was long time coming because the conflict had started all the way back in 1983. The Security Council used the ‘Brahimi principal,’ which states “regional organizations take primary responsibility for the problems in their backyard” to push responsibility on to the A.U. The Brahimi principle The Security Council was glad to give someone else the responsibility of Darfur so they could focus on others tasks at hand.
Prior to the intervention, Sierra Leone was enduring a civil war sparked by socio-economic issues of poverty, resulting in violence. Bakarr Bah (2013) states that “this civil war posed security and humanitarian challenges for the international community”. Lucy Scott mentions that insecurity, social, economic and political exclusion set the conditions for violence. The United Nation, however, became a major participant after the 1999 Lomé Peace Agreement (Bah, 2013). The agreement was a settlement amongst major figures including the rebel armies. The armies, such as the RUF, refused and tensions increased. This resulted in the military intervention of the British. Abu Bakarr Bah (2013) mentions that this intervention implied that there was an international responsibility to protect civilians. Even though the intervention was helpful in ending the war, the post conditions were set up to ensure stability of peace, hoping to promote socio-economic growth.
He has yet to be turned over. Major protests in Sudan have broken out with increased violence, and the government has forcefully expelled aid agencies. The government signed a ceasefire with Justice and Equality Movement in february of 2010 with an agreement to pursue peace. However these peace talks have been interrupted with claims that the Sudanese army is continuing to launch raids and air strike on Darfur
The truce comes after Kiir's strengths overran a restriction base in Juba and executed 35 bodyguards of Machar, as indicated by resistance authorities, the Associated Press reported. Government drives likewise assaulted a United Nations peacekeeping base and camp for regular people who fled the brutality.
In the first civil war, from 1955 to 1972, southern insurgents, called the Anya Nya, fought against Government of Sudan for greater autonomy. By 1969, Anya Nya controlled most of southern Sudan. In 1971, the rebel group integrated into the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement, or SSLM, the precursor to today’s Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army, or SPLM/A. The war ended with the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement between SSLM and GOS, which granted significant regional autonomy to southern Sudan on internal issues, and also promised the Abyei area, located on the north-south border, the right to hold a referendum to determine whether they would remain a part of northern Sudan or join the newly formed Southern Region. As a result, the country suffered serious neglect, lack of infrastructural development and displacement. Sudanese, both side, had cessation of eleven years until the second civil war started in
While still struggling to achieve peace with Sudan since its independence in 2011, South Sudan is now rife with inner-conflict. Rebel forces led by the former Vice-President Riek Machar want to overthrow the South Sudanese government, led by President Salva Kiir.
Syrian civil war started in 2011 was the outcome of the opposition against the President Bashar al-Assad regime. The uprising emerged as a response to the Arab spring movement that lead to regime change in Tunisia and subsequently turned into mass unrest rooted into the discontent with long-term dictatorship and poor economic situation in the country (Manfreda, n.d.). The number of Syrian citizens killed in the civil war reached 140000 since March 2011 (SBS 2014). The European Commission (2014, 2) reports approximately 9.3 million civilians “in need for humanitarian assistance”. The scale of armed rebellion between government and opposition that lead to an increasing number of casualties among civilians did not remain unnoticed by the
The origin of the war between these two regions goes back to the 1950s when the country, which was previously two separate nations, was made one after World War II by the west. Shortly after this union, Sudan was emancipated from England. 1983 marks the beginning of the violent relations between the North and South Sudan. The initiation of this conflict was brought forth by the Islamic Sudanese of the North, invading with military force the Southern Sudanese Christians . From 1983, it is estimated that at least two million people have been killed in the violent duration of this genocide, most of whom are of the Christian faith and lead non-violent civilian lives. Attention on human trafficking was brought into the international community’s scope with close proximity to the beginning of the violence as two professors from the University of Khartoum shed light on the subject. Ushari Ahmad Mahumud and Suleyman Ali Baldo learned about the genocide and enslavement being practiced on the Dinka people, a tribal group in the southern Sudan, and upon this discovery they dicided to investigate it further. What they found was that raiders from the north were killing the Southern Christian men and kidnapping the women and children to be sold into slavery. The most disturbing part of this discovery was the newfound knowledge that this had been going on for over two years. Professors Mahumud and Baldo
This situation constitutes a weird logical contradiction based on the UN Charter: If civil war occur in a country, then the government must be unlawful. If one force is committed to the civil war, its action is legal. But any force try to avoid the war is not only bring about its own destruction, but also not legitimate. In such conflicts, the finally result is that who advocate, who maintain, the thicker arm is legitimate. Whose people brawl power is greater, who is legal. This bury the legitimacy of the UN Charter itself based on reality.
The UNSG reports on UNAMID (January, 2014:2) reports that on 20 November 2013, “the Government and LJM informed UNAMID that they had entered into a bilateral agreement on security arrangements outside and separate from the Doha Document”. The agreement, which was reached without consultation with the Ceasefire Commission, provides for the integration of between 3,000 and 4,000 LJM combatants (about three LJM Battalions) into the Sudanese Armed Forces and government police. The remaining 12,570 of the 15,000 combatants declared by LJM are to undergo a disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process in accordance with the DDPD. Hence an agreement marks the end of the verifications disagreement of the LJM forces.