The Success Of The Esperanza Peace And Justice Center

Doetsch-Kidder’s (2016) monograph defines the important role of intersectionality as a defining sea-change in the way that women of color began to unify across racial and cultural barriers. Interviews with minority activists define the perception of the diversification of feminist ideology through the lens of intersectionality. One interview with a African-American activist named Donna illustrates the unity between women of color that evolved in the 1970s: “But overall, we are all fighting for civil rights, so there has to be some type of overlap with each one” (Doetsch-Kidder, 2016, p.103). This development defines the “overlapping’ ideology of different feminist groups, which soon began to devolve the racial and cultural barriers not only between women of color, but also with white feminist groups. In Doetsch-Kidder’s (2016) point of view, the civil rights movement laid the foundation for intersectional feminist principles to be practiced for women seeking greater representation in the workplace.

Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment. Ed. By Patricia Hill Collins. (New York: Routledge, 2000. ii, 336 pp. Cloth, $128.28, ISBN 0-415-92483-9. Paper, $26.21, 0-415-92484-7.)

Intersectionality is a framework that must be applied to all social justice work, a frame that recognizes the multiple aspects of identity that enrich our lives and experiences. This framework synthesizes and complicates oppressions and marginalization’s. In the article, “Why Intersectionality Can’t Wait” Kimberle Crenshaw talks about how the purpose of intersectionality has been lost. Intersectional somehow creates an environment of bullying and privilege checking. This society cannot afford to have movements that are not intersectional because all races need to be embraced and have equality.

Despite the best intentions of the famed civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. to promote non-violent change the civil rights movement of today is now one of violence and hate. The grass-root organization was founded by three Black women and consists of 26 chapters across the United States. The women leaders Garza, Cullors, and Tometi were passionately steadfast in their plight to end current racism and social injustices against the Black community. However, although the legitimacy of the group’s plight is valid, and many Americans sympathize with their cause and purpose, many do not agree with the group’s strategies of solving crimes against the Black community. The hatred and violent practices by the “Black Lives Matter” groups have caused many that would support the cause to turn against retarding the progression of the civil rights

Intersectionality has a significant impact on the feminist movement for several reasons; first is recognition of varying oppressions, second the inclusiveness of others facing oppression, and third how the recognition and inclusiveness can help reach equality. Intersectionality and the growing recognition of it has provided a better look at the amount of different oppressions that exist Through the understanding of intersectionality it becomes clear that race and sex are not the only factions that experience oppression, this awareness has led to the desire to “address a whole range of oppression.” (Combahee, pg. 4) Race and sex are no longer the sole focus of

With having such a direct focal point (Black women), readers could easily forget that these injustices were happening to all types of women such as: disabled, poor, and other non-white communities. As I read, I craved for a surer tone from Dorothy Roberts much like the tone of Angela Davis’ work. Ultimately, I wish the text present a solution plan for women in the United States. Our problem is due to unorganized

The article titled, Black Women Thought; Matrix of Domination, by Patricia Hill Collins explores the oppression of African-American women. While there is also a theme of individual empowerment, Collins’ ends the article by stating, “only collective action can effectively generate lasting social transformation of political and economic institutions” (cite). I believe Collins’ motivation for this article was to bring awareness and to inspire change.

EVEN IN THE SPLINTERED AND OFTEN FRACTIOUS world of social justice movements, Black Lives Matter doesn't fit easily into existing categories. Few grassroots uprisings have done as much, in such a short period of time, to focus attention on long-neglected issues of racial justice, gender, and economic inequality. Yet so far, BLM has not followed up on its initial victories by building the kind of lasting, hierarchical organizations that grew out of the civil rights movement; nor has it dedicated itself to a single, easily identifiable goal, like enacting the Voting Rights Act. How are we to make sense of organizers who themselves remain so loosely organized? And if Black Lives Matter isn't devoting itself primarily to bringing about substantive legal and legislative change, then how can it hope to transform its resistance into lasting and meaningful gains in human rights?

Thesis: Gilmore argues that through community building and outreach, feminists in the 1970’s, particularly NOW members, were able to “create and sustain their identities (129)” individually as well as developed a “feminist consciousness (129)” as a community as a whole. She argues that “grassroots” movements on the local level using “rank-and-file” activists were more vital to the women’s movement than the “leaders” of the movement.

The harsh relationship between women of color and white women has proven to be one of the main issues feminism has to confront. Intersectionality plays a role, which is both onerous to avoid and to address, since privilege is not easy to recognize. Internal biases also influence the fact that women from different races can’t unite. However, even though there are discrepancies between white feminists and feminists of color, a united, single feminist movement is possible in order to have a stronger movement and achieve the goals feminism aims for. In a question-answer session with Pat Mitchell published in TED, Madeleine Albright, who was the first American female Secretary of State, said: “There is a special place in hell for women who don’t help other women". That is what feminism should be about: support. But support is useless when it lacks understanding. Feminists, of all races, have to understand the struggles other women have to confront, by understanding those hardships internal biases will be easier to identify, therefore to address. As feminism has evolved, solidarity within the movement has grown; this proves there is a possibility of women uniting in one movement no matter their race.

In an attempt to define Black Feminism, Collins clarifies that it must “avoid the idealist position that ideas can be evaluated in isolation from the groups that create them (Collins 385).” This clarification forms her basis for why Black Feminism is necessary, and who it serves. Thinking about feminism historically, the concerns of black women were pushed aside in favor of fighting sexism; a notable example occurs within the Suffrage movement, where votes for white women were prioritized over women of color in order to push such legislation through. And even when feminism began looking at other social injustices, such as racism and class issues, often only prominent feminists were invited to the discussion. What resulted was, and often continues to be, a problem of white women speaking for oppressed people. It’s impossible, Collins argues, to have Black Feminist thought without examining the experiences and positions of African American women. Therefore, Black Feminism must be a movement that “encompasses theoretical interpretations of Black women’s reality by those who live in it (Collins 386).” However, such a definition brings about many questions:

Kimberle Crenshaw, African-American legal theorist used intersectionality for the first time while discussing unique position of black women in anti discrimination law and arguing that the experiences of black women have both race and class and in this way challenged the universal gendered experience (Monk, 2011, p. 88 and Edna, 2012, p. 2100). Intersectionality is a method, rooted in black feminism and critical race theory and an analytical tool that can move according to time, disciplines, issues and boundaries for gender and economic justice (Devon, et al, 2013, p.303; Samuels and Sheriff, 2008).

In an attempt to define Black Feminism, Collins clarifies that it must “avoid the idealist position that ideas can be evaluated in isolation from the groups that create them (Collins 385).” In reality, this forms her basis for why Black Feminism is necessary, and who it serves. Thinking about feminism historically, the concerns of black women were pushed aside in favor of fighting sexism, most notably during the Suffrage movement. And even when feminism began looking at other social injustices, such as racism and class issues, only prominent feminists were invited to the discussion. What resulted was, and often continues to be, a problem of white women speaking for oppressed people. It’s impossible, Collins argues, to have Black Feminist thought without examining the experiences and positions of African American women. Therefore, Black Feminism must be a movement that “encompasses theoretical interpretations of Black women’s reality by those who live in it (Collins 386).” However, such a definition brings about many questions: who’s experiences are valued, how do black women take their voice back, and how can they center feminist thinking on their own unique standpoint?

In the Feminist Theory, bell hooks provide vivid examples and assertions on how mainstream feminism exclude the issues of women of color. Mainstream feminism in America pertains to the ideals of “white, middle-class privileged woman” as they “reinforce white supremacy by negating the issue of race and class amongst woman of color” (hooks, 2000, pg. ). Due to not fulfilling the attempt to gain equality, as they may claim to do, it also can be an organization that displays “narcissism, insensitivity, sentimentality, and self-indulgence” (hooks, 2000, pg. 3). As mainstream feminism shuns the needs and interests of African-American women, it allows current social issues and inequalities to persist.

There are many interpretations of intersectionality, but without a doubt, the critical theory of intersectionality is based on the understanding that oppressive institutions within society take different forms for specific cultural and social positions of individuals and groups. Among the concerns in the article, Joan Simalchik and Hunter College Women’s and Gender Studies Collective discuss the ways in which intersectionality provides a better understanding of how relations of power and privilege and the intersection of gender and race influence women’s everyday lives.