Introduction In any democratic society, voting behavior provides an interesting lens with which to analyze the electorate. In the political system of the United States, where two political parties dominate, civic participation and voting behavior can best be analyzed by looking at the socioeconomic status of the voters. Socioeconomic status, a “measurement which factors in a person’s education, occupation, and income, will directly influence their behavior” (Brown and Smith 1), though, is an incomplete measure by which to examine voting behavior and civic participation given the racial and religious diversity in the United States and the dynamic of political partisanship. In this paper I will argue that a theoretical framework that combines …show more content…
The other most significant factor is, interestingly, the candidates in a given election. Alvarez et al. found that in the 2008 election, 31.2% of people reported not liking the choices provided to them as a major factor in not voting (33). Of these individuals, 48% self-identified as Republican compared to 35% who self-identified as Democrat (34). Of the respondent pool, the 13 percentage point difference in political part self-identification may not be significant though rising partisanship and the subsequent Tea Party movement may have played a …show more content…
In general Republican politicians support economic platforms that seek to curb government size and influence such as lowering taxes, decreasing government regulation, and cutting back social safety net programs. Democratic candidates, conversely, generally want to either maintain or expand government influence through opposite policies. Republican policies are generally viewed as more favorable for individuals of higher socioeconomic status, and Democratic policies are generally viewed as more favorable for people of lower socioeconomic status. Based on this, if we assume that individual rational actors are most concerned with – and thus decide for whom to vote based on - economic policies, one might expect people of lower socioeconomic status to generally support Democratic politicians and people of higher socioeconomic status to only support Republican politicians. This pattern does not necessarily hold true, for multiple reasons. Gelman et al. note two relevant trends in their examination of voting behavior:
“1. Voters in richer states support the Democrats even though within any given state, richer voters tend to support the
The author, V. O. Key, states the results of a survey that shows that voters tend to vote for people who vote for candidates that will help them financially. He also states that people tend to vote for a certain party’s candidate because of their ties to the party. Key then declares that one can predict a person’s vote based on their personality and attributes. Key also shows that although these behaviors show strangeness, the voters have great importance to politics. Key says that the voters’ behavior has importance as it helps candidates discover the nature of the voters’ interests to try gain an advantage. Finally, Key states that voters behave as well as possible, considering the possibilities of other
As politics and government becomes more complex and involved, more effort is required to keep up with and understand it. As a result, many Americans have lost touch with current events and happenings. Therefore, when election time rolls around, many people lack enough information to develop an educated opinion and support a candidate with their vote, so they just do not vote at all. This lack of information is also related to the belief that one vote will not matter. People believe that their vote will not count, and are therefore following the news less and becoming out of touch with public affairs and politics (Is the System Broken?”). This lack of information is also more strongly apparent among the younger voting population. When interviewed
Data used for this term paper was obtained from Houghton Mifflin Company through the 1996 Voter's Data Set found as part of the Crosstabs package. The dependent variable (rows) I chose to highlight the 1996 U.S. presidential election voting pattern was the Final Voting Choice. The independent variables (columns) I chose were personal traits such as education, income, age, religious affiliations, race, and gender. The data made available by the Crosstabs program was compiled in a statistically scientific way by a national survey of citizens before and after the 1996 election. The objective of this research is to determine which of the personal traits of the electorate has a positive, negative, or an indifferent impact on voter turnout. Therefore, I have made the following five assertions in the below listed hypotheses:
If we are correct with our hypotheses, then more the education, income and higher status of occupation a person has, the more likely they will be republican. Party identification tends to stay relatively stable over time, but our data set deals with a time period where the party realignment occurred. This led us to hypothesis that the party alignment would have a different affect on our previously proposed hypotheses. In order to understand the effects our variables on each other, we need to understand why the individual belongs to that party in the first place. These factors include the variables occupation, income and education. As mentioned above, they are important in an individual’s life situations.¬
148). In essence, every voter has some political beliefs and values that often influence the way he or she views political parties, candidates, and ideals. Some conservative people tend to vote to Republican, while some people tend to vote Democratic. Voters have their own political attitudes, and these attitudes determine how society goes, whom they are voting for, and what kind of political parties they are supporting. Many elements have the ability to contribute the political attitudes, such as family, gender, education, income, religion, age, race, and etc. According to Ginsberg et al., the first place where people start forming their beliefs on politics is their families and society (148). This idea explains the reason some areas in the U.S. have more Democratic representatives while others have the majority of their residents being Republicans. The fact that most people possess these ideals means that in the event that the candidates in a ballot do not have the qualities that a particular group of voters is looking for, these voters will not partake in voting. When the impact of race in political socialization is factored in, it becomes increasingly evident that some people of one race are unlikely to spend their time voting for a candidate who does not represent their beliefs pertaining to racial issues. For instance, African Americans’ perception of the extent of racism is different from that of whites. This has a significant bearing on the motivation of voters from each divide to participate in an election (Ginsberg et al.
With the past 2016 presidential election, many people, old and young, from all across the country took sides with political parties and voiced their opinions on various controversial topics. Much research is currently being done to understand the outcome of the votes and the reasons voters had for choosing each candidate. One particular voting group has stood out amongst the younger voting population, and that is the youth voters who live in rural areas of the country. During the last election, the rural youth population has differed in their voting outcome compared to their peers who live in urban and suburban neighborhoods, and the possible reasons for this is particularly alarming. Since
Overall, when we analyze the three different elections, voting actions are consistent. It is common for groups to stay true to a particular political party. Though, when the final results of the votes are revealed, sometimes it is shocking. There are many factors that play into people’s opinions and reasoning for their voting process. This includes factors such as religious affiliation, race, gender, and
Since the start of the 20th century, American voter crowd has stayed on a deteriorating level. Scarcer than 50% of qualified voters went to the ballots throughout the 1996 presidential election. Slighter proportions are habitually recounted for congressional votes and less Americans inconveniency to vote for their residential representatives. American contribution in political events besides voting, surpasses that of modern-day democracies. Other Americans account the preparedness to partake in civic developments or interact with their representatives directly than European residents. The American egalitarianism empowers its citizens to unite a partisan party, work on a campaign, or supply currencies regarding a diplomatic cause.
Those who will turn out to vote have to believe in the efficacy of the system, and those whose anger is directed at the system may feel that their vote makes little difference within a corrupt or overly complex system (Lewis-Becket 94). Those who do believe in the system, who feel that their vote matters, also will feel like they have much to gain from voting; rarely is this the case with a nonpartisan campaign. As benefits must outweigh costs in order for citizens to find it worth their time to vote, they must see a chance for their candidate to win, or see a potential for their party to grow in the future (Downs 48). It is thus the case that given the United States’ two-party system, and the benefits allotted to candidates within these parties, a voter is more likely to vote for a candidate within the party closest to their ideology rather than one who runs a nonpartisan
The multiple characteristics that play into political participation of a person can span from gender, race, economic situation, amount of education, and their political affiliation. One case is that, “blacks and whites differ significantly in views of the role of race in criminal justice system” (152). It is likely someone who is black would vote if the candidate is promising to get rid of inequality. It is also possible that one group of people may not even vote at all if they believe the matter does not concern them. The voter's’ party affiliation can also affect them to vote. Let’s say a candidate is part of a party and they seem to have a good chance of winning. Naturally the other party would not want that candidate as their president and so, they would vote for whoever is representing their party. One example comes from the recent election; in which Republicans started to vote for Trump to avoid for Hillary, a Democratic, to become president. In addition, ...
People within higher economic status are more likely to be politically active due to their work experience, social position, occupation, and education. All of these reasons are intertwined into the voter’s economic status. The voter’s political position within their community makes them more likely to be involved within politics. Work experience reflects a person's education; the better educated a person is the higher a person’s income is. In addition, a person's occupation establishes the voter within their economic category. A person social position is reflected by a person's income and position within their community.
Both of these political parties advocate for the Democracy, although he meaning of equality is at heart, it is not always exercised. For instance a person who is a Democrat believes in abortion and that there should be planned pregnancy and substances that can help women to not become pregnant; while republicans believe in the term pro-life which means if a woman becomes pregnant and doesn’t want the child and commits the act of abortion the women is labeled a murderer. This is due to the old ways of the United States and beliefs
They found that as a precinct has more renters or more non-white voters, the turnout under VBM elections decreases, although at different rates for different election types. Having higher rates of college graduates in a precinct is correlated to higher turnout rates under VBM. This study was one of the first to consider who VBM might benefit, as opposed to the less complex question of increasing general turnout. While this research is indicative of who VBM might benefit, it relies on precinct-level data, and cannot effectively determine if individuals voting behavior changed under VBM. Berinsky, Burns, and Traugott (2001) extended this line of research on demographic effects by looking to the individual voting level to determine who VBM benefitted
The literature has only recently begun to look empirically at questions about the changing structure of the economy and its effects on politics (Eleid and Rodden 2006). Several studies have examined how changes in income affect voting patterns, but they have mostly ignored the changes to a service-oriented South (Shafer and Johnston 2006, Stonecash 2000, Brewer and Stonecash 2001). This project was a chance to explore these issues further.
Many political science researchers study the forces that drive the vote. One of the earliest, and most well known, books about election studies is The American Voter. Written in 1960, the book tries to explain a model that describes what drives Americans to vote the way they do. The model suggests that social factors determine ones party identification, which determines one's issue positions and evaluation of candidate's characteristics. These forces all work together to determine how one will vote. This model may or may not still hold true today, as political researchers are not in agreement as to what exactly drives the vote. One thing that does remain true, however, is that factors such as social groups, party identification, issues,