What do John Maynard Keynes, Richard Norgaard, and Fred Block and Margaret Somers have in common? They all challenge widely accepted economic thinking and support thoughtful, progressive government action in the midst of social crises. In the 1930s, Keynes debunks a rationale for a laissez-faire system that was perpetuating large-scale human suffering and made a strong recommendation for government intervention. Norgaard then broadens Keynes’s critique of assumptions underlying free-market ideology to include all widely unquestioned and accepted economic beliefs-- which he terms economism-- and urges a transformation of this belief system toward discursive democracy to enable effective environmental regulation and economic redistribution (lecture). Adopting Keynes’s focus on empirics while using a similar explanation as Norgaard, Block and Somers criticize a study of late eighteenth-century British poor laws that is commonly used to oppose welfare policy while explaining that its widespread, unquestioning citation in academia and policy analysis points to the pervasiveness of conservative assumptions about the poor and what is natural. Altogether, these authors urge us to reconsider dominant economic stories that lack a circumspect, factual basis as we consider various social, environmental, and economic policy alternatives.
John Maynard Keynes is the first economic maverick here who calls attention to the flaws in common economic assumptions while also expanding the
In the essay Lifeboat Ethics by Garrett Hardin and the essay A Challenge to the Eco-Doomsters by Walter Benjamin, there are many things I agree and disagree with. Both essays make very good points with facts to back them up. But I can’t help but side with Hardin on his essay Lifeboat Ethics. In this essay I am going to compare and contrast some of the similarities and differences between Hardin and Benjamin’s essays about the aid the United States provides to poor nations all over the world by reducing pollution, controlling population growth, and the dependency of economical imports and exports.
This increases the responsibility of the state for looking after its citizens as the poorer population of the country grows in numbers. Hardin demonstrates this in ‘Living on a Lifeboat’ by examining the rate of reproduction of the poor in comparison to the wealthy. According to Hardin, the population of the poorer classes doubles every thirty-five years, whilst the wealthier classes experience the same growth over a period of eighty-seven years. (Hardin, 1974) In a lifeboat situation, this reproduction rate would mean the poor would be heavily reliant on the income and supplies of the wealthy. Due to this Hardin states that the wealthy must assume that the poor will be self-interested and sharing our resources with them will only be harmful to our own survival. (Hardin, 1974) Why should the wealthy share if they get nothing from the poor in return? They deposit their supplies into a shared collective on the boat and the poor on-board take it without giving anything back. Hardin refers to this as the ‘tragedy of the commons’ and if taken into a real-life situation we are presented with the development of social benefits for the poor - a system in which the rich pay taxes in order for the poor to be financially supported through state benefits, social housing etc. (Hardin,
In Garrett Hardin’s essay “Lifeboat Ethics: The Case Against Helping the Poor,” Hardin asks readers if every person on earth has an equal share of resources and then argues why he takes the position against helping the poor. Hardin uses the metaphor of a lifeboat that is almost filled to capacity, floating in an ocean where the “poor of the world” are overboard. This metaphor appeals greatly to one of humanities greatest instincts, survival. The main focus of Hardin’s essay and metaphor is to strip all morals, take the fault from the rich nations and place the responsibilities and blame on the poor. There are a few rebels who seem to think that the blame and responsibilities are incorrectly placed. One of these rebels is Alan Durning who presents his argument in his essay “Asking How Much is Enough.” Durning argues that overpopulation does not threaten the world’s resources. He believes the real culprit is overconsumption by the rich. Joseph K. Skinner is another rebel who argues against Hardin in his essay “Big Mac and the Tropical Forests.” Skinner argues that wealthy nations, including the United States, are responsible for the world’s resource problem because they use poor nations as main producers of goods they expend. The arguments made in the essays’ by Durning and Skinner make readers alert of Hardin’s rhetorical strategies and how he uses his
In the first source, a classical liberalist approach is taken when looking at the efficiency of welfare programs, and to what extent the government should use citizen’s tax dollars to pay for it. The political cartoon displays how inefficient and bureaucratic government involved programs are, opposing the idea that a government should interfere with the economy in such a way. The first source would support a laissez-faire economy and see truth in the trickle down theory. However, the second source is in direct opposition of the opinion of the first source. The author of the second source heavily critiques laissez-faire economics and the trickle down theory. By taking a modern liberalist stance, the second source endorses government intervention within the economy and the use of tax dollars to help those who need economic support. The second source believes that leaving people to fend for themselves is a direct root to a halt in economic growth, whereas the first source supports self-reliance and independence from government safety
Capitalism in Lifeboat Ethics: the Case Against Helping the Poor “In a crowded world of less than perfect human beings, mutual ruin is inevitable if there are no controls. This is the tragedy of the commons” (Hardin). In his excerpt, Garrett Hardin discusses the responsibility of individuals to take care of earth’s natural resources, such as parks, rivers, and pasture lands. When treated as commons, where anyone and everyone is allowed access to them, these specific resources will not receive proper care. The tragedy of the commons is a direct outcome of a society that is lacking in control.
Peet and Hartwick’s central argument is that neoclassical economist’s theories favored the bourgeoisie. Economists believe that the bourgeoisie should control the economy for the good of everyone.
John Maynard Keynes was an economist who served as an economic adviser for the British delegation at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. Soon after, Keynes resigned from his position and wrote The Economic Consequences of the Peace. A very influential work detailing the major pitfalls of the Treaty of Versailles. Keynes discusses the economic consequences of the Treaty of Versailles on all of Europe. He claims not to question the justifications of the treaty but rather to bring to light how Its aims will cement the economic downfall Europe. He asserts that the treaty’s provisions were constructed through a veil of contempt and aimed to ensure “the future enfeeblement of a strong and dangerous enemy” as well as to exact revenge, and
After 100 years of the industrialization era modern economics began to see a change and shift of ideas. These ideas were brought to the front by John Maynard Keynes, who in 1936 transformed much of the modern economics by a single book The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money. Keynes also wrote other titles as well as A Tract on Monetary Reform (1923)' which was an attempt to secure a monetary policy instead of the gold standard.
After World War II, Keynesian policies had dominated the economic system in most countries around the world. However, this soon changed after the oil crisis in the 1970’s and after government intervention was blamed for stagflation, paving the way for the rise in neoliberal economics dominated by Thatcherism and Reaganomics. The difference between neoliberal economics and classical liberal economics is the rejection of Adam Smith’s theory of the invisible hand of supply and demand and believe it will worsen the economy. However, even though neoliberal economics thrived during the 1980s and 1990’s, the 2008 financial crisis has questioned whether limiting government interventionism in the economy was one of the reasons why banks were allowed to act recklessly (Economist, 2013), leading to the return of Keynesian economics in countries such as the UK with the Labour Party electing Jeremy Corbyn as the leader. Critics such as Friedman argue otherwise and point out the issues created by monetary and fiscal policy and an economy can only thrive with freedom. This essay will evaluate whether the neoliberal theory against interventionism helps the economy or does it lead to the downfall of the economy.
The first of all, the existence of uncertainty, this is one of the key elements of post-Keynesian analysis. Because of the existence of uncertainty that the future is unknown and unknowable so that economic agents?f expectations can be easily frustrated. Market forces cannot account for the unknowability and unpredictability of the future and so can only disseminate incomplete, even misleading, information. As the future unfolds and become the present Joan Robinson suggests that, continues adjustment must be made. This process proceeds indefinitely without equilibrium ever being achieved, let alone maintained. Thus history matters. 4
a. The primary concept of the Keynesian School of economic thought revolved around the management of aggregate demand. The author of this idea, John Maynard Keynes, believed the economy was fundamentally unable to sustain itself at full employment. One of his proposed solutions to this was for the government to intervene to increase aggregate demand. He argued that by investing government funds, the amplitude of the business cycle could be reduced and would stabilize continued economic growth. Another method of managing aggregate demand involved taxation. By lowering the taxes on certain goods and raising others, the government could influence public demand for certain products to fluctuate based on its benefit to the economy as a whole.
John Maynard Keynes was one of the most influential economists of the 20th century. His theory has been used throughout the years with great success. Keynes approach to a recession was that the public has lost in confidence in their government, has become frighten, and holds on to their money, which results in less spending. It becomes a vicious cycle of economic decline.
In 1936 British economist John Maynard Keynes published The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money. Distressed by the failure of national governments to cope with the Great Depression, Keynes rejected many assumptions of classical economics and argued that state intervention, and in particular regulation of interest rates, could control inflation and minimize unemployment.
The economy has been the long-term battle between different ideologies of how governments should approach the monitoring of price and wage controls, of deficit spending, trade tariffs, and subsidies. Developed around the early 19th century Adam Smith gave rise to the classical theory. The classical model was used widely until the Great Depression. The classical view of economics stated that government regulations of prices and of subsidies were not needed. Those who favored the classical view believed that the economy was autonomous and that during periods of contraction the economy would self-correct and stabilize. They argued that government should not meddle with the economy, that free markets work and governments don’t.
The classical theory assumed the prevalence of full employment. The ‘Great Depression’ of 1929 to 1934, engulfing the entire world in widespread unemployment, low output and low national income, for about five years, upset the classical theorists. This gives rise to